Calling All Two-Spirit People – “Let Your Voice Be Heard” Focus Groups

hands_on_drum.jpg

NorthEast Two-Spirit SocietySomjen Frazer, a Researcher and Evaluation Consultant, local NY Native and Non-Native community based organizations, and the New York State Department of Health are working on the first-ever New York State Needs Assessment for the Native Two-Spirit community.

Currently, we are organizing a series of focus groups throughout New York State. At these focus groups, participants will be asked to share their stories, experiences and input on what they hope for our community.

[download flyer]

Here is a list of the locations, dates and time for upcoming focus groups:
Buffalo, NY
Friday, February 12, 2010
5:30pm to 8:30pm

Location:
Native American Community Services of Erie & Niagara Counties, Inc. (NACS)
1005 Grant Street
Buffalo, New York  14207

Partnering organizations – American Indian Community House, Pride Center of Western NY & Native American Community Services of Erie & Niagara Counties, Inc.

Email: harlan@ne2ss.org for more info or to RSVP

Rochester, NY
Saturday, February 13, 2010
2:30pm to 6:30pm

Location:
Gay Alliance of the Genesee Valley
875 East Main Street, Suite #500
Rochester, NY  14605

Partnering organizations – Rochester Two-Spirit Society & Gay Alliance of the Genesee Valley

Email: harlan@ne2ss.org for more info or to RSVP

Syracuse, NY
Saturday, February 27, 2010
3:00pm to 7:00pm

Location:
American Indian Community House – Syracuse site
120 E Washington St., Suite #400
Syracuse, NY 13202

Partnering organizations – American Indian Community House

Email: harlan@ne2ss.org for more info or to RSVP

New York City, NY
Wednesday, March 10, 2010
5:30pm to 8:30pm

Location:
American Indian Community House
11 Broadway, 2nd Floor
New York, NY 10004

Partnering organizations – American Indian Community House

Email: harlan@ne2ss.org for more info or to RSVP

Long Island, NY
Saturday, March 13, 2010
3:00pm to 7:00pm

Location:
The Long Island GLBT Community Center
34 Park Avenue
Bay Shore, NY 11706

Partnering organizations – The Long Island GLBT Community Center

Email: harlan@ne2ss.org for more info or to RSVP

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2009: Indigenous struggles, tragedies, and triumphs

During the 2009 calendar year, we have been witness to some of the most courageous, provocative and gut-wrenching struggles in recent memory: some of them triumphs so great that they set the standard for the rest of us ; and others, tragedies so vile we can’t bare to look at them—even though we must.

Of course, you wouldn’t know it either way if you rely on corporate news outlets like the Globe and Mail, social networking sites like Digg, and the incredible array of blogs and non-governmental organizations—all carrying their own take on what matters most.

Instead, you would have to be spending your time on websites like Censored NewsUpside Down Worldthe Dominion Paper and the WW4 Report, among others. You would also have to be turning to the people themselves.

To highlight this fact, and mark the end of 2009, I would like to present you with a list of what I consider to be this year’s most under-reported struggles, tragedies and triumphs.

There are, of course, hundreds of stories that could be listed here, especially given the long trend of silence surrounding indigenous People (a trend that refuses to give way to necessity). However, for one reason or another, these stories stood out to me more than the others.

I hope you find it useful.

Ahni (intercontinentalcry.org)

1. Researchers in India discovered “the highest levels of pharmaceuticals ever detected in the environment” — a veritable toxic stew of pharmaceutical ingredients used in ailments that range from heart disease to depression, gonorrhea, ulcers, and bacterial infections. If you haven’t already guessed: it’s in the water.

2. Indigenous people in Peru celebrated a major victory in their long-time struggle to protect the land from outsiders hoping to exploit it. On January 14, the Regional Government of Cuscoenacted a law that bans the practice of biopiracy, or “the appropriation and monopolization of traditional population’s knowledge and biological resources.” The move was heralded “a leading example” for the rest of the world.

3. Members of the indigenous Awa in southwestern Colombia reported that as many as 20 people were killed by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). This would not be the last massacre of Awa in 2009.

4. Forty three Lepchas were arrested in connection to an ‘agitation’ carried out on the controversial Panan hydel power project in the Dzongu region of Sikkim, India. Most, if not all of the Lepchas arrested had nothing to do with the action.

5. In central Brazil, the Yanomami community of Paapiu began calling for the immediate expulsion of illegal gold miners occupying their land. Survival International reported, “[the Yanomami] say they are prepared to use bows and arrows to expel the invaders themselves if the authorities do not take immediate action.”

6. Russia’s state-controlled Hydro company, RusHydro, began pushing ahead with a renewed plan to construct a massive hydropower station on the Lower Tunguska river in Krasnoyarsk, Siberia. The project means death to the Evenk’s culture and way of life.

7. A research team from COPAE confirmed that Goldcorp’s Marlin mine in Guatemala is poisoning local water supplies. The local Mayan community suffers from numerous health problems as a result of contaminants. However, Goldcorp claims it’s all the result of “bad hygiene”, a lack of water, and “fleas”.

8. The Toronto-based mining company, Uranium One—who’s “operations have been made possible with backing from the Canadian Embassy and CIDA”—was accused of human rights abuses and the systemic violation of workers rights at their Uranium mine in South Africa.

9. The Hadzabe People are considered by scientists to have the oldest genetic heritage of any other people on earth. However, today they find themselves on the edge of extinction, with no land rights, and a food supply that’s being “aimlessly” shot away by poachers.

10. The Kenyan government began a brutal campaign of violence against the indigenous Samburu people in north central Kenya–which is still ongoing.

11. More than 2,000 indigenous Embera people fled from their territory in Colombia to escape increasing violence from “a newly formed irregular armed group.” A total of 25 villages were left abandoned.

12. As many as 260 police officers tried to evict 500 Mayan families from a 6-acre lot of land they occupied in March. However, the eviction failed—though not before twelve Mayans and fifteen police were injured and about 100 homes were destroyed.

13. After years of conflict and tension, the few remaining non-indigenous rice farmers finally leftRaposa-Serra do Sol, an indigenous reserve in northern Brazil. The government had ordered them to do so far in the past, but the farmers resisted, repeatedly by terrorizing Indigenous People.

14. Hundreds of villagers in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) of western China faced off against armed security forces at the site of a planned gold mine—on what the Tibetans consider to be a sacred mountain. Amazingly enough, several days later the Chinese government reportedly conceded to the Tibetans.

15. The Colombian House of Representatives approved a controversial program to convince Colombian Women to submit to sterilization. News of the bill arrived just as Peru’s right-wing government announced it would shelve an investigation into its own former sterilization program, in which thousands of indigenous women were sterilized against their will in the 1990s, with help from the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).

16. Over 70 human rights and environmental groups from around the world expressed outrage at the planned launch of the World Wildlife Fund’s Aquaculture Stewardship Council last month. Influenced by the aquaculture industry, the WWF is completely ignoring indigenous people in six separate locations around the world.

17. Representatives from 360 Mískito communities declared the secession of the entire Caribbean coast of Nicaragua, also known as the Mosquito Coast. They announced that the area, which accounts for 46% of Nicaragua’s territory and an estimated 11% of the population, would form the independent Nation of Moskitia.

18. A group of Maya Mam villagers set fire to a pickup truck and an exploration drill rig, after the Canadian company Goldcorp repeatedly failed to remove the equipment off the community’s land.

19. The government of Ontario, Canada, returned Ipperwash Provincial Park to the Kettle and Stony Point First Nations, bringing a welcomed end to a saga that goes back to the 1930s. Sam George—the brother of Dudley George, who was slain by police in 1995 for defending his land—passed away just days after the announcement.

20. In a first-of-its-kind action in the Christian world, the national Episcopal Church passed a landmark resolution repudiating the Doctrine of Discovery and urging the U.S. government to endorse the U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

21. A group of 30 indigenous elders and leaders from Ampilatwatja, in Australia’s Northern Territory, abandoned their community rather than live under the oppressive foot of the government’s so-called “intervention.”

22. Eight Maasai villages in Tanzania were burnt to the ground to make way for new a game hunting area. 3,000 people were left without any food, water or shelter.

23. A Russian-backed mining project in Burma’s war-torn Shan State was singled out for risking the homes and farmlands of 7,000 Pa-O villagers.

24. The government of the Malaysian state of Sarawak decided to ignore a landmark court ruling that recognized the rights of the Penan and other tribes to their land.

25. A major Indian travel company, “Barefoot India”, won a high court case allowing them to build an eco-resort close to the designated Jarawa reserve. Once the resort is built, the Jarawa People, who have lived in voluntarily isolation for centuries, will become their own personal tourist attraction.

26. Several Mapuche communities began to reclaim lands in Araucania, central Chile, which they say were stolen from them. At least 5 Roadblocks were set up—marking the beginning of an effort that continues even now.

27. Throughout India, tens of thousands of Indigenous People mobilized in an effort to demand an end to the brutal and repressive laws surrounding India’s forests. More than 2 dozen protests were organized.

27. The Guarani Kaiowá community of Apyka´y in Brazil was attacked by ten gunmen, who fired shots in to their camp, wounding one person. The gunmen also beat up and injured others with knives and then set fire to thier village. This was the second village torched in less than a week.

28. A US. federal ruling permitted a gold mining company to dump toxic waste into a pristine mountain lake in Alaska.

29. The Saami people came forward with major concernsthat a mining project in Northeastern Sweden, proposed by a Canadian company, threatens their traditional way of life and violates their basic human rights as recognized by the United Nations.

30. Under an historic settlement, PacifiCorp announced it will remove four dams on the Klamath River under a tentative agreement with tribes and other parties.

31. The biggest environmental demonstration in Turkey’s history, an estimated 20,000 people took to the streets to protest the 100m high Uzuncayir dam on the Munzur River.

32. As many as 300 troops from Panama’s National Police demolished a Naso village in Bocas del Toro–for the second time. No injuries were reported, however, some 150 adults and 65 children were left with no shelter and limited access to food and water.

33. In Canada, Indian Affairs Minister Chuck Strahl sent notice to the Algonquins of Barriere Lake that he will not recognize their legitimate leadership, but instead impose elections on the community in April, 2010 by invoking a section of the Indian Act that would abolish the customary method they use to select their leaders.

34. Following an overturned eviction, an Ava Guarani indigenous community in Paraguay’s Itakyry district was sprayed with toxic chemicals, most likely pesticide, resulting in nearly the entire village needing medical treatment.

35. The Awajun and Wampis people—who were violently confronted by police in Bagua, Peru in early June—detained a group of employees from the Canadian mining company IAMGOLD. According to statements from the indigenous organization AIDESEP, the company did not have any authorization to enter the territory. The employees, five in total, were arrested in protest of the fact. The company denies that anyone was arrested.

36. In a major ruling , the U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appealsblocked construction of the largest open pit gold mine in the United States: Barrick Gold’s Cortez Hills gold mine. However, just one day after the ruling, the company announced that it would ignore the ruling and continue construction.

37. In the face of mounting protests, Anglo Platinum destroyed the Sekuruwe’s last remaining farmland—what little they had left since their land rights were handed over to the company in 2008.

38. A suprising turn of events, the Ontario government reached an agreement with Platinex to abandon their mining concessions on the traditional territory of Big Trout Lake.

39. On June 19, Peru’s Congress overwhelmingly revoked two of the controversial laws that triggered this year’s biggest and most widely known mobilization—the mobilization of Peru—which culminated in the violent police-led confrontation of June 5, 2009.

40. Also on June 19, the Ngobe of Western Panama won a major victory of their own. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) called for the suspension of all activities connected to the Chan-75 Dam, which is being built on Ngobe land.

41.Over the course of 5 weeks, thousands of Indigenous Penan mobilized to protect their forest lands in Malaysian state of Sarawak. The mobilization began in late July. Unfortunately, the effort did not end with success.

42. Bolivia’s first indigenous president, Evo Morales, was re-elected in a landslide victory on December 6. He won more that 63% of the votes. Bolivia’s landmark constitution, which supports indigenous self-government, was also passed this year.

43. In early September, the Indonesian military burned down a Village in West Papua, and terrorized its residents with random bursts of gunfire. Most of the villagers, defenseless and peaceful, sought refuge in a nearby forest.

44. Since January 18, 2009, when Israel declared its unilateral ceasefire in Gaza, numerous Palestinian civilians have been attacked, abducted, killed, and injured by Israeli forces. Among them, more than 150 farmers and fishermen.

45. A hunger strike aimed at the Norwegian mining company Intex Resources, came to a welcomed end in November, with the Philippine government suspending the company’s permit. Hopefully, the victory, like all others list here, will echo far into the future.

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Officials Hid Truth About Immigrant Deaths in Jail

by Nina Bernstein

[Nery Romero, who died in immigration detention in 2007. (New York Times photo)]

Silence has long shrouded the men and women who die in the nation’s immigration jails. For years, they went uncounted and unnamed in the public record. Even in 2008, when The New York Times obtained and published a federal government list of such deaths, few facts were available about who these people were and how they died.

But behind the scenes, it is now clear, the deaths had already generated thousands of pages of government documents, including scathing investigative reports that were kept under wraps, and a trail of confidential memos and BlackBerry messages that show officials working to stymie outside inquiry.

The documents, obtained over recent months by The Times and the American Civil Liberties Union under the Freedom of Information Act, concern most of the 107 deaths in detention counted by Immigration and Customs Enforcement since October 2003, after the agency was created within the Department of Homeland Security.

The Obama administration has vowed to overhaul immigration detention, a haphazard network of privately run jails, federal centers and county cells where the government holds noncitizens while it tries to deport them.

But as the administration moves to increase oversight within the agency, the documents show how officials – some still in key positions – used their role as overseers to cover up evidence of mistreatment, deflect scrutiny by the news media or prepare exculpatory public statements after gathering facts that pointed to substandard care or abuse.

As one man lay dying of head injuries suffered in a New Jersey immigration jail in 2007, for example, a spokesman for the federal agency told The Times that he could learn nothing about the case from government authorities. In fact, the records show, the spokesman had alerted those officials to the reporter’s inquiry, and they conferred at length about sending the man back to Africa to avoid embarrassing publicity.

In another case that year, investigators from the agency’s Office of Professional Responsibility concluded that unbearable, untreated pain had been a significant factor in the suicide of a 22-year-old detainee at the Bergen County Jail in New Jersey, and that the medical unit was so poorly run that other detainees were at risk.

The investigation found that jail medical personnel had falsified a medication log to show that the detainee, a Salvadoran named Nery Romero, had been given Motrin. The fake entry was easy to detect: When the drug was supposedly administered, Mr. Romero was already dead.

Yet those findings were never disclosed to the public or to Mr. Romero’s relatives on Long Island, who had accused the jail of abruptly depriving him of his prescription painkiller for a broken leg. And an agency supervisor wrote that because other jails were “finicky” about accepting detainees with known medical problems like Mr. Romero’s, such people would continue to be placed at the Bergen jail as “a last resort.”

In a recent interview, Benjamin Feldman, a spokesman for the jail, which housed 1,503 immigration detainees last year, would not say whether any changes had been made since the death.

In February 2007, in the case of the dying African man, the immigration agency’s spokesman for the Northeast, Michael Gilhooly, rebuffed a Times reporter’s questions about the detainee, who had suffered a skull fracture at the privately run Elizabeth Detention Center in New Jersey. Mr. Gilhooly said that without a full name and alien registration number for the man, he could not check on the case.

But, records show, he had already filed a report warning top managers at the federal agency about the reporter’s interest and sharing information about the injured man, a Guinean tailor named Boubacar Bah. Mr. Bah, 52, had been left in an isolation cell without treatment for more than 13 hours before an ambulance was called.

While he lay in the hospital in a coma after emergency brain surgery, 10 agency managers in Washington and Newark conferred by telephone and e-mail about how to avoid the cost of his care and the likelihood of “increased scrutiny and/or media exposure,” according to a memo summarizing the discussion.

One option they explored was sending the dying man to Guinea, despite an e-mail message from the supervising deportation officer, who wrote, “I don’t condone removal in his present state as he has a catheter” and was unconscious. Another idea was renewing Mr. Bah’s canceled work permit in hopes of tapping into Medicaid or disability benefits.

Eventually, faced with paying $10,000 a month for nursing home care, officials settled on a third course: “humanitarian release” to cousins in New York who had protested that they had no way to care for him. But days before the planned release, Mr. Bah died.

Among the participants in the conferences was Nina Dozoretz, a longtime manager in the agency’s Division of Immigration Health Services who had won an award for cutting detainee health care costs. Later she was vice president of the Nakamoto Group, a company hired by the Bush administration to monitor detention. The Obama administration recently rehired her to lead its overhaul of detainee health care.

Asked about the conference call on Mr. Bah, Ms. Dozoretz said: “How many years ago was that? I don’t recall all the specifics if indeed there was a call.” She added, “I advise you to contact our public affairs office.” Mr. Gilhooly, the spokesman who had said he had no information on the case, would not comment.

On the day after Mr. Bah’s death in May 2007, Scott Weber, director of the Newark field office of the immigration enforcement agency, recommended in a memo that the agency take the unusual step of paying to send the body to Guinea for burial, to prevent his widow from showing up in the United States for a funeral and drawing news coverage.

Mr. Weber wrote that he believed the agency had handled Mr. Bah’s case appropriately. “However,” he added, “I also don’t want to stir up any media interest where none is warranted.” Helping to bury Mr. Bah overseas, he wrote, “will go a long way to putting this matter to rest.”

In the agency’s confidential files was a jail video showing Mr. Bah face down in the medical unit, hands cuffed behind his back, just before medical personnel sent him to a disciplinary cell. The tape shows him crying out repeatedly in his native Fulani, “Help, they are killing me!”

Almost a year after his death, the agency quietly closed the case without action. But Mr. Bah’s name had shown up on the first list of detention fatalities, obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, and on May 5, 2008, his death was the subject of a front-page article in The Times.

Brian P. Hale, a spokesman for Immigration and Customs Enforcement, said in an interview that the newly disclosed records represented the past, and that the agency’s new leaders were committed to transparency and greater oversight, including prompt public disclosure and investigation of every death, and more attention to detainee care in a better-managed system.

But the most recent documents show that the culture of secrecy has endured. And the past cover-ups underscore what some of the agency’s own employees say is a central flaw in the proposed overhaul: a reliance on the agency to oversee itself.

“Because ICE investigates itself there is no transparency and there is no reform or improvement,” Chris Crane, a vice president in the union that represents employees of the agency’s detention and removal operations, told a Congressional subcommittee on Dec. 10.

The agency has kept a database of detention fatalities at least since December 2005, when a National Public Radio investigation spurred a Congressional inquiry. In 2006, the agency issued standard procedures for all such deaths to be reported in detail to headquarters.

But internal documents suggest that officials were intensely concerned with controlling public information. In April 2007, Marc Raimondi, then an agency spokesman, warned top managers that a Washington Post reporter had asked about a list of 19 deaths that the civil liberties union had compiled, and about a dying man whose penile cancer had spread after going undiagnosed in detention, despite numerous medical requests for a biopsy.

“These are quite horrible medical stories,” Mr. Raimondi wrote, “and I think we’ll need to have a pretty strong response to keep this from becoming a very damaging national story that takes on long legs.”

That response was an all-out defense of detainee medical care over several months, including statistics that appeared to show that mortality rates in detention were declining, and were low compared with death rates in prisons.

Experts in detention health care called the comparison misleading; it also came to light that the agency was undercounting the number of detention deaths, as well as discharging some detainees shortly before they died. In August, litigation by the civil liberties union prompted the Obama administration to disclose that more than one in 10 immigrant detention deaths had been overlooked and omitted from a list submitted to Congress last year.

Two of those deaths had occurred in Arizona, in 2004 and 2007, at the Eloy Detention Center, run by the Corrections Corporation of America. Eloy had nine known fatalities – more than any other immigration jail under contract to the federal government. But Immigration and Customs Enforcement was still secretive. When a reporter for The Arizona Republic asked about the circumstances of those deaths, an agency spokesman told him the records were unavailable.

According to records The Times obtained in December, one Eloy detainee who died, in October 2008, was Emmanuel Owusu. An ailing 62-year-old barber who had arrived from Ghana on a student visa in 1972, he had been a legal permanent resident for 33 years, mostly in Chicago. Immigration authorities detained him in 2006, based on a 1979 conviction for misdemeanor battery and retail theft.

“I am confused as to how subject came into our custody???” the Phoenix field office director, Katrina S. Kane, wrote to subordinates. “Convicted in 1979? That’s a long time ago.”

In response, a report on his death was revised to refer to Mr. Owusu’s “lengthy criminal history ranging from 1977 to 1998.” It did not note that except for the battery conviction, that history consisted mostly of shoplifting offenses.

A diabetic with high blood pressure, he had been detained for two years at Eloy while he battled deportation. He died of a heart ailment weeks after his last appeal was dismissed.

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A Black Panther in Beirut

Emory Douglas Goes in Lebanon

Daniel Drennan

January 26, 2010

In Oakland, California in the late 1960s, Emory Douglas, minister of culture for the Black Panther Party, was responsible for the manifestation of Voice in his community, and represented the hope for revolution among the marginalized and Voiceless.

In Lebanon, some 40 years later, he is to pay a visit.

In America, a Black minister agitates in a New Orleans City Council meeting and demands entrance for residents who have come to protest the demolition of their homes to make way for luxury apartments. The protesters are met with Tazer guns and mace.

In Beirut, this response might include snipers and bullets. A non-violent tent occupation of Martyr’s Square is criticized for the economic damage inflicted on the downtown business district, itself occupied by foreign Capital.

In Detroit, residents destroy their valueless homes with gasoline and fire in order to recoup insurance money that will allow them to move out to the suburbs.

In Beirut, real estate barons offer a pittance to anyone willing to raze the city’s heritage to make way for hermetically sealed buildings closed off from the doomed street life below.

In Louisiana, six Black teenagers face emprisonment for assault in reaction to the hanging of nooses from a tree deemed “reserved” for white students.

In Beirut’s airport there is a waiting room clearly marked for arriving laborers. In Lebanon, the marginalized are stabbed in their sleep; thrown from their balconies; killed on construction sites. No one is prosecuted for these crimes.

In America, logos and signs maintain the country’s racist roots: Uncle Ben, Aunt Jemima, the Native American as symbol for sports teams. Consumers eating their rice or pancakes, patrons of baseball games wearing face paint and waving tomahawks, do not challenge this.

In Beirut, diners are entertained in sushi restaurants by Filipina women dolled up as Japanese geishas; in Indian restaurants by Syrian men sporting salwar kameez. No one protests.

In Philadelphia, white parents pull their children out of a private swimming pool when Black children from a summer camp show up for some relief from the summer heat. There are few if any public spaces for swimming.

In Beirut, scandals erupt due to the presence of foreign servants in private beach resorts. Similarly, the “public beach” is but a tiny strip of trash-littered sand along water polluted by untreated sewage. No one cares.

In Los Angeles, the architect who planned out a bunker-like U.S. chancellery in Damascus builds a library, the symbol of democratic access to information. Its design reflects the security needs of a prison complex. Its location is a low-income immigrant community seen as undesirable.

In Beirut, an Art Center rises in an industrial neighborhood, and touts its communal use. It welcomes a small subset of the population, none of whom is from the neighborhood.

On American theater screens, the movie “Driving Miss Daisy” portrays a fictitious scene in which a Black man chauffeurs a Southern doyenne to a speech by Dr. Martin Luther King. The chauffeur waits outside, far removed from the man who speaks of his liberation.

In Lebanon, nannies and domestic servants take care of households while their owners listen to Black artists who speak of their exclusion from American society.

In America, in one of his more famous works, Emory Douglas collages the controlling hand of Capital decorated with logos of corporations and other Voice destroyers.

In Beirut, the sponsors list of any given cultural event proudly lists the banks, foreign NGOs, and other corporations that make such importation and implantation of outside culture possible. No one seems to mind.

In Denver, at the mayoral state-of-the-city address, a Black woman is excoriated for singing “Lift Every Voice and Sing”–referred to as the Black National Anthem–instead of “The Star-Spangled Banner”. She replies to the harsh criticism: “Art is supposed to make you think.”

In Lebanon, a craftsman sings silently to himself and creates his artworks which, when copied by thieving “local artists”, will sell for more than he can ever imagine.

In American museums and gallery spaces, almost fifty years after his group arose from an oppressed community, the work of Emory Douglas is literally given currency by the very media that helped destroy the Panthers in the first place.

In Lebanon, former signs and symbols of resistance find themselves equally evaluated by a similar over-mediation. They are thus rendered void of actionable meaning.

In America, millions of voters walked into polling stations and cast a ballot for a Black man thinking they would bring change to the country. In fact, they didn’t.

In Beirut, a dozen or so art mavens walk into a lecture and listen to a Black man speaking of his activism yesteryear, thinking they are part of some minor revolution. In fact, they aren’t.

In America, any local cultural manifestation, any expression of history and context, any resistant voice that dares speak out is suppressed; co-opted; destroyed.

In Beirut, a Voiceless man far from his hometown works in a corner shop of a neighborhood he can’t afford and writes his poetry in a beautiful calligraphic hand. Then, he throws the pages away. He explains: “No one will ever read them; I write for no one.”

From an America that doesn’t deserve him, Emory Douglas is coming to Beirut. For fifty dollars, one can enter an Art Center’s hallowed halls and benefit from a workshop with the artist.

Meanwhile, in a Lebanon that deserves him less, the Voices most in need of him remain outside, ever marginalized; waiting to be lifted, their song never heard.

Daniel Drennan is the founder of Jamaa al-yad, a Beirut-based artists’ collective.

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Police brutality breeds public outrage in wake of Jordan Miles beating

Jordan Miles, at hospital, following his arrest. (Photo: Terez Miles)

Jordan Miles following his arrest. (Photo: Terez Miles)

Take a look at the photos of Jordan Miles, the 18-year-old CAPA (Creative and Performing Arts) high school student allegedly beaten by Pittsburgh Police on January 11, and it’s impossible to ignore the signs of force used in his arrest. And while it is questionable whether this level of force was required to subdue a man of Miles’ size, the incident is now center stage, with community groups calling for action and formal investigations set to begin.

On Tuesday, the FBI announced it will investigate allegations that Miles’ arresting officers — Richard Ewing, Michael Saldutte, and David Sisak — brutally beat the teenager:

FBI spokesman Jeff Killeen says the probe is in an early stage that will determine whether there’s “a potential violation of federal civil rights criminal laws” and the need for a more thorough investigation.

Killeen says the assessment has begun even though the bureau has not yet received a letter from Jordan Miles’ attorney formally requesting a criminal investigation. (via Associated Press)

justice for jordan

Supporters hold “Justice for Jordan” signs during Tuesday’s protest. (Photo: Post-Gazette)

And on the heels of the FBI announcement, public outrage played out on the streets of downtown Pittsburgh. Miles’ CAPA classmates, along with local activists and community leaders from groups such as The Black Political Empowerment Planning Council (B-PEP), marched from outside CAPA to the office of Mayor Luke Ravenstahl, where a public rally was held. More than 50 classmates from Miles’ school took turns publicly expressing their grief, frustration, and anger over the police beating of their friend and classmate:

“Jordan will never forget what has been done to him, and he will have to live with this for the rest of his life,” said Damarra Underwood, Miles’ classmate at CAPA. “On behalf of his suffering, I believe the police who are involved in this case should be suspended without pay until this case is further investigated.” (via Pittsburgh Post-Gazette)

And longtime local activist, and former head of Pittsburgh’s NAACP chapter, Tim Stevens had this to say:

“I cannot remember in my more than 40 years of community activism seeing a picture much worse than that of the severely beaten face of Jordan Miles. I cannot fathom how the Pittsburgh police could in any reasonable way defend the beating, stomping, choking and kicking and hair-pulling of an unarmed, 5-7, 150-pound teenager by three armed police officers.” (via WTAE)

Following comments from activists and Miles’ classmates, Police Citizen Review Board chairwoman Marsha Hinton addressed the crowd and pledged a full investigation, saying: “Most of the members sitting here feel just as much outrage at what has happened to this child.”

Earlier in the week, as words of Miles’ beating spread, police chief Nate Harper asked the citizens of Pittsburgh to be patient as the Office of Municipal Investigations looks into the incident. At the same time, members of the Fraternal Order of Police pointed out the accomplishments of Ewing, Saldutte, and Sisak as the city’s best at getting guns off the streets.

“Their actions were correct and law-abiding by everything they received in their training,” FOP Vice President Charles Hanlon said. “The demand by special interest groups that they be removed from the streets is an insult to their hard work.” (via Pittsburgh Post-Gazette)

Terez Miles, mother of Jordan Miles, at the NAACP press conference. (Photo: Robin Rombach/Post-Gazette)

Terez Miles, mother of Jordan Miles, at the NAACP press conference. (Photo: Robin Rombach/Post-Gazette)

On Wednesday, after what some had viewed as an initial lack of support, the Pittsburgh chapter of the NAACP called for the firing of the officers involved in Miles’ beating and suggested criminal charges be filed. “When a young man is simply walking down a street to get to his grandmother’s house and is savagely beaten almost beyond recognition, we must speak out,” said M. Gayle Moss, president of the Pittsburgh NAACP. Moss also urged police to drop the loitering and aggravated assault charges against Miles.

But what happens next? For Miles, physical recovery is the first step. Last week, the young violinist and honor roll student told NPR that he was still awaiting physician approval to return to school, and suffering from nightmares and flashbacks.

At the same time, however, the fate of officers Ewing, Saldutte, and Sisak, the undercover officers who arrested Miles on suspicion of gun possession, remains unclear. At last word, the men had been ordered to uniformed office duty with no disciplinary action taken. And the charges against Miles still stand.

“I feel that my son was racially profiled,” Terez Miles told NPR earlier this week. “[Homewood is] a rough neighborhood; it was after dark. … They assumed he was up to no good because he’s black. My son, he knows nothing about the streets at all. He’s had a very sheltered life, he’s very quiet, he doesn’t know police officers sit in cars and stalk people like that.”

Claims of police brutality and racial profiling are sensitive subjects in Pittsburgh, especially given the city’s history of police violence against black citizens. In the wake of this recent incident, the names of past victims have been appearing with increasing frequency: Johnny Gammage, Maneia “Little Stoney” Bey, Deron S. Grimmitt, Jerry Jackson, and Micheal Ellerbe. Each name represents an incident that ended in the death of a black citizen. And in each case, officers were acquitted of any wrongdoing.

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IT’S BIGGER THAN HIP HOP: LYRICS WITH A PURPOSE

Guerrilla Republik music duo Precise Science [Ruffmic & Freedomwriter] has been brought by UWM’s Revolutionary Student Alliance [RSA] for a lecture at UW-Milwaukee on Thursday, February 18th, 2010. The following evening a show and party is organized to raise funds for RSA future projects. Precise Science will be headlining along with a few artists from Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Artists include Lady Ecstasy & Smokie from Syphsquad, R3AP3R, and Tha Crown. Special Guests T.B.A.

Friday, November 13th, 2009 RSA organized its first concert called In Solidarity: An Underground Hip-Hop Connection. The show was cancelled by Milwaukee’s Police Department after a gang altercation across the street that resulted in one man being shot in the abdomen. This show is a continuation to “In Solidarity.”

RSA does not promote gang violence but it was built by individuals living in communities afflicted by this violence and the baggage brought about from poverty. RSA hopes to plant seeds in the minds of both young and old to learn about the harsh realities of inner city life. RSA also aspires to provide a “fresh” positive vibe called Revolution to heal the wounds in the minds and hearts of individuals who have been affected by the “War in our Streets.”

RHL; Respect, Honor, & Loyalty is the motto.

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OJORE LUTALO ‘I NEVER MADE BOMB THREATS!’

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Somali ‘Pirates’ want to send confiscated loot to Haiti.

Somali ‘Pirates’ want to send loot confiscated from rich countries to Haiti

Agencia Matriz del Sur

Via Aporrea.org (translated)
http://aporrea.org/internacionales/n149313.html

January 21, 2010 – Spokesmen for the so-called “Somali pirates” have expressed
willingness to transfer part of their loot captured from transnational boats
and send it to Haiti.

Leaders of these groups have declared they have links in various places around
the world to help them ensure the delivery of aid without being detected by
the armed forces of enemy governments.

The “pirates” typically redistribute a significant portion of their profits
among relatives and the local population. In their operations, the “pirates”
urge transnational corporations that own the cargo confiscated to pay back in
cash as banks can not operate in Somalia.

”The humanitarian aid to Haiti can not be controlled by the United States and
European countries; they have no moral authority to do so. They are the ones
pirating mankind for many years,” said the Somali spokesman.

Somalia, located at the eastern end of the Somalia Penisula adjacent to the
Gulf of Aden to the North and with the Indian ocean to the east, is located in
a very important position in the communication routes between Asia, Africa and
Europe and the Pacific.
—–

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OJORE LUTALO ARRESTED – NEEDS FUNDS AND SUPPORT!

Ojore Lutalo (recently released Black Liberation Army prisoner of war and New Afrikan Anarchist) was pulled off the Amtrak train in La Junta, Colorado on his way home to New Jersey from speaking at the LA Anarchist bookfair. After his recent release from time served as a POW, Ojore lived briefly in Philadelphia and was engaged with local actvist, anarchist and New Afrikan projects.

They are charging him with “endangering public transportation,”  but have not explained to him what that means. An officer said that bail will be set at $10,000.00 which means we will need a minimum of $1,000.00 with a good chance of it being higher in order for him to be released, while waiting for the court date.He will be arraigned Thursday morning in Coloradao. Supporterse are working on getting him a lawyer.

We will need some emergency fund raising.

Go to paypal.com and send $$ to “timABCF@aol.com”

Put “Ojore Bail” in the notes section.

NYC contact- nycabc [at] riseup [dot] net

Or contact your local ABCF Chapter

******UPDATE*****

Repost from by Denver Anarchist Black Cross
http://denverabc.wordpress.com/2010/01/28/update-on-ojore-lutalo/

Please forward to anyone that needs or wants an update, so we can get some funds raised.

Ojore had an arraignment this morning, Thursday January 28, at 11 am in the La Junta City Courthouse. Ojore was formally charged with “Interfering with Public Transportation,”a class 3 felony, based on allegations from train passengers that Ojore made “terroristic threats against the train” while on a personal phone call while he was a passenger the Amtrak train. Ojore has said that he was having a political conversation with a friend at the time.

The prosecution initially asked for a $50,000 bond citing Ojore’s previous ”criminal” background and imprisonment as well as him being an out of state resident.

The defense argued for a $1,000 bond citing Ojore’s links to the Denver community and housing available to him as well as his previous imprisonment being a “politically biased imprisonment”.

The judge ruled that Ojore’s bond would be set at $30,000, justifying this amount because Ojore is an out of state resident, and in 1982 Ojore was convicted of a failure to appear charge and presently posed a flight risk due to this history.

Denver Anarchist Black Cross Federation members were present for the hearing and are presently in La Junta working to bail him out. A bondsmen has been secured that will post bond for Ojore at the cost of $4,500. This cost has been fronted by various amazing folks from across the country, but much of this money is being loaned. Ojore is in major need of donations to help pay these loans back!

The Philadelphia Anarchist Black Cross Federation is accepting donations for this effort. Donations can be sent via paypal to: timABCF@aol.com

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Alleged Child Molester Searched Online for “gay black boys” before September Arrest

By BQR | Oct 30, 2009 | 10:00 AM

Doug Perlitz

Douglas Perlitz
Prosecuters accused Douglas Perlitz of trolling around the internet searching for “gay black boys” prior to his September arrest for allegedly molesting 9 boys at the Haitian charity he founded to assist homeless street orphans Wednesday afternoon.

Perlitz and his lawyer, William Dow, had been seeking bail just hours after Assistant U.S. Attorney Krishna Patel filed a document detailing the findings of a forensic analysis of a laptop seized from Perlitz in Colorado last month.

The report alleges that he used search key-words such as “gay black boys,” “Colorado Haitians” and “Africa boys” until the day before his Sept 16 arrest.  The agent conducting the analysis also found more than 100 images, many depicting “younger-looking black males engaged in graphic homosexual activity,” according to Patel.

“This clearly raises additional concerns for detention purposes since these Web pages and forums were being accessed while Perlitz was in the United States,” prosecutors wrote in court papers Tuesday.

Dow withdrew Perlitz’s request to be released on $5 million bond and into the custody of about a dozen friends and relatives Wednesday.

Perlitz was indicted in September with seven counts of traveling outside the US to have sex with children and three counts of engaging in sexual conduct with children while in Haiti.

He is accused of enticing boys at the Project Pierre Toussaint School in Cap-Haitien, Haiti into sex acts by promising gifts.

“In order to entice and persuade the children to comply with the sex acts, Perlitz provided the promise of food and shelter and also provided monetary and other benefits, including, but not limited to, U.S. and foreign currency, cellphones, other electronics, shoes, clothes and other items,” the indictment says.

Perlitz has pleaded not guilty and denies any wrongdoing.

If convicted, Perlitz faces 30 years of imprisonment and a fine of up to $250,000, on each count of the indictment.

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Suspect in officer killings eludes law in Seattle.

By MANUEL VALDES, Associated Press Writer Manuel Valdes, Associated Press Writer 20 mins ago

SEATTLE – A heavily armed SWAT team stormed a Seattle home Monday where they thought they had cornered the suspect in the slaying of four police officers at a coffee shop, only to find out that he was not in the house and still on the loose.

The discovery added new urgency to the manhunt for Maurice Clemmons as police canvassed the neighborhood with search dogs and hundreds of officers were deployed around Seattle for any sign of the suspect. Authorities put up a $125,000 reward for information leading to his arrest.

Police had been positioned overnight at a Seattle home where they thought Clemmons was holed up and spent hours trying to communicate with him, using loudspeakers, explosions and even a robot sent into the house. But when the SWAT team went inside, he was nowhere to be found.

Pierce County sheriff’s spokesman Ed Troyer said the location of Clemmons was not known, and it’s possible he still could be in the neighborhood. Troyer also said people who know Clemmons told investigators he had been shot in the torso in his bloody struggle with the officers.

“If he didn’t get a ride out of there, he could still be in the area,” Troyer said.

Seattle police spokesman Jeff Kappel said there was evidence Clemmons at one point was on the property, but officers could not determine whether he was in the house itself. Kappel would not describe what the evidence was, but said it was a “good tip” that led them to the home.

Meanwhile, University of Washington officials alerted students by e-mail and text messages to an unconfirmed report that Clemmons might have gotten off a bus on or near the campus about 3 miles north of the residence, university police Cmdr. Jerome Solomon said. Police were checking the area, he said.

At one point, what sounded like gunshots rang through the neighborhood, but Kappel said no shots were fired.

Troyer said warrants for first-degree murder have been issued against Clemmons in the killings of the officers from the Tacoma suburb of Lakewood who were gunned down in a coffee shop on Sunday morning at the start of their shifts.

Clemmons has a long criminal history, including a long prison sentence commuted by former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee nearly a decade ago, and a recent arrest for allegedly assaulting a police officer in Washington.

Authorities allege he killed Sgt. Mark Renninger, 39, and officers Ronald Owens, 37, Tina Griswold, 40, and Greg Richards, 42, as they worked on their laptop computers at the beginning of their shifts.

Clemmons is believed to have been in the area of the coffee shop around the time of the shooting, but Troyer declined to say what evidence might link him to the shooting.

Investigators say they know of no reason for gunning down the officers, but court documents indicate Clemmons is delusional and mentally unstable.

“We’re going to be surprised if there is a motive worth mentioning,” said Troyer, who sketched out a scene of controlled and deliberate carnage that spared the employees and other customers at the coffee shop in suburban Parkland, about 35 miles south of Seattle.

“He was very versed with the weapon,” Troyer said. “This wasn’t something where the windows were shot up and there bullets sprayed around the place. The bullets hit their targets.”

Officer Richards’ sister-in-law, Melanie Burwell, called the shooting “senseless.”

“He didn’t have a mean bone in his body,” she said. “If there were more people in the world like Greg, things like this wouldn’t happen.

Clemmons has an extensive violent criminal history from Arkansas. He was also recently charged in Washington state with assaulting a police officer, and second-degree rape of a child. Using a bail bondsman, he posted $150,000 — only $15,000 of his own money — and was released from jail last week.

Documents related to the pending charges in Washington state indicate a volatile personality. In one instance, he is accused of punching a sheriff’s deputy in the face, The Seattle Times reported. In another, he is accused of gathering his wife and young relatives and forcing them to undress, according to a Pierce County sheriff’s report.

“The whole time Clemmons kept saying things like trust him, the world is going to end soon, and that he was Jesus,” the report said.

Troyer said investigators believe two of the officers were killed while sitting in the shop, and a third was shot dead after standing up. The fourth apparently “gave up a good fight.”

“We believe there was a struggle, a commotion, a fight … that he fought the guy all the way out the door,” Troyer said.

In 1989, Clemmons, then 17, was convicted in Little Rock for aggravated robbery. He was paroled in 2000 after Huckabee commuted a 95-year prison sentence.

Huckabee, who was criticized during his run for the Republican presidential nomination in 2008 for granting many clemencies and commutations, cited Clemmons’ youth. Clemmons later violated his parole, was returned to prison and released in 2004.

On Sunday, Huckabee issued this statement on his Web site: “Should he be found to be responsible for this horrible tragedy, it will be the result of a series of failures in the criminal justice system in both Arkansas and Washington state.”

It was the second deadly ambush of police in the Seattle area in recent weeks, but the two cases aren’t related.

Authorities say a man killed a Seattle police officer on Halloween night and also firebombed four police vehicles in October as part of a “one-man war” against law enforcement. Christopher Monfort, 41, was arrested after being wounded in a firefight with police days after the Seattle shooting.

The officers killed Sunday had received no threats, Troyer said.

“We won’t know if it’s a copycat effect or what it was until we get the case solved,” he said.

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Are you an authentic American?

By Guest Contributor Madhuri, originally published at Restore Fairness

“Police officers giving drivers $204 tickets for not speaking English? It sounds like a rejected Monty Python sketch. Except the grim reality is that it has happened at least 39 times in Dallas since January 2007….All but one of the drivers were Hispanic.”

Reporting on the issue, a New York Times editorial asks the question – is racism alive and kicking in America? If this were a one off incident, it could be an aberration. But 39 times makes it a growing pattern of injustice.

So how does one question who or who is not an American? Does it have to do with language, race, ethnicity, how long one has been in the United States – or is it about the more legal aspect of possessing citizenship.

Recently, an incredible achievement by Meb Keflezighi’s, winner of Men’s NYC Marathon, kicked off a number of doubts about whether this is truly an “American” achievement, or one imported in from outside.

“Meb Keflezighi, who won yesterday in New York, is technically American by virtue of him becoming a citizen in 1998, but the fact that he’s not American-born takes away from the magnitude of the achievement the headline implies.”

Comments from a CNBC Sports Business Reporter who half apologized in a post the next morning.

“Frankly I didn’t account for the fact that virtually all of Keflezighi’s running experience came as a U.S. citizen. I never said he didn’t deserve to be called American.”

Keflezighi came to the United States when he was 12 from war torn Eritrea. Is that enough time for him to be an American? Ironically the last American to win the marathon was also born in another country – Cuba. Alberto Salazar’s comments from a New York Times article are insightful.

What if Meb’s parents had moved to this country a year before he was born? At what point is someone truly American? Only if your family traces itself back to 1800, will it count?

The same article talks about the racial stereotypes that seem to be emerging to the surface.

“The debate reveals what some academics say are common assumptions and stereotypes about race and sports and athletic achievement in the United States. “Race is still extremely important when you think about athletics,” said David Wiggins, a professor at George Mason University who studies African-Americans and sports. “There is this notion about innate physiological gifts that certain races presumably possess. Quite frankly, I think it feeds into deep-seated stereotypes.

So are we heading for a “clash of cultures” figuring out where the identity of America lies. This Huffington Post article has a few answers.

What’s been missing from our national discourse on “is it race or isn’t it?” is the distinction psychologists and neuroscientists have made for over two decades between conscious and unconscious (often called “explicit vs. implicit”) prejudice

Asking what the difference may have been if over the last 25 years, a half million Englishmen a year had entered the U.S., it wonders if

“what turns up the volume on Americans’ feelings about immigration is that immigrants are not white, English-speakers from London but brown-skinned Mexicans who may not speak our language well and don’t share our Anglo-American culture.”

Demographers now place it around 2040 when whites may be in the minority in the U.S. And so it seems, the best way to deal with this reality may be -

“There’s nothing shameful about admitting that you’re among the majority of Americans – of every color – who has sometimes judged another person on the color his skin instead of the content of his character – and then realized it wasn’t fair. The best antidote to unconscious bias is self-reflection. And the best way to foster that self-reflection is through telling the truth in a way that doesn’t make people defensive or point fingers – except at those who wear their prejudice proudly and deserve our scorn.”

(Photo courtesy of the New York Times.)

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MOVE 9 Parole Update

The update below was just released today by MOVE:

ONA MOVE, everbody! I want to update you on the parole status of The MOVE 9. At this point everybody but Chuck Africa has seen the parole board. Chuck should see the board sometime this month or early next month. Everybody has been denied parole except Phil Africa who hasn’t received his formal response as of yet. Everybody so far has gotten a 1 year setback except Eddie who got a 2 year setback for some unexplainable reason. Everybody that has been interviewed by the parole board was denied with the same excuse that they won’t say they’re guilty (because they’re not) and we expect nothing different with Phil and Chuck. As we explained before, what they’re doing is clearly illegal and cannot be explained. This, alone, should tell people that the government has no valid reason to deny MOVE people parole or they would cite that reason instead of some illegal unreasonable nonsense about them not saying they’re guilty. These parole boards across the country cannot be allowed to continue to trample on peoples lives and freedom like this. It has to stop and we can make it stop thru pressure, thru the power of the people, if we take a serious unrelenting stand. MOVE is in the process of contacting as many media contacts as possible (local, national and international) to urge them to request interviews with the chairwoman of the Pennsylvania board and question her about the board denying people parole because they won’t say they’re guilty. Having the media from all over calling her and questioning this procedure will put pressure on the parole board. If you know of any media people with a backbone that would be interested in getting involved in this activity, let us know so we can follow up on it. In the meantime, keep the letters and phone calls going the parole board. Thanks for all of your support and remember, this issue affects inmates all over the USA, not just MOVE.

LONG LIVE REVOLUTION!!!!

THE MOVE ORGANIZATION

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Resistance Through Writing: An Interview with Victoria Law

By Ellen Papazian

Feminist Review recently interviewed writer and activist Victoria Law on her book Resistance Behind Bars: The Struggles of Incarcerated Women. Here Law shares her thoughts on making her book an activist tool, the culture’s blind spot about the prison industry, social justice movements’ responsibility to incarcerated women’s issues, and how motherhood radically altered her own work and informed her upcoming anthology, Don’t Leave Your Friends Behind.

Who did you write Resistance Behind Bars for?

I originally wrote the book, or the college paper that was the start of it, with no audience in mind. I had spent a semester researching post-Attica prisoner organizing and resistance in college. At the end of the semester, I looked back at what I had and realized that every instance, except for one, was about male prisoners. So the first paper was written to explore what women were doing and why their actions weren’t as well-documented, or remembered, as their male counterparts.

When I first had the idea to turn my paper into a book, I had a few audiences in mind: people who were already interested in prison and prisoner issues; those interested in women’s issues; people who aren’t particularly interested in prisons or prisoners’ issues, but are interested in tales of resistance, and incarcerated women themselves. In corresponding with over a dozen women incarcerated around the country, I also wanted to make sure that the book was accessible to them. None of the women I’d reached out to had any idea of organizing being done in other prisons or of the previous organizing, resistance, and riots that had happened in women’s prisons in the 1970s and 1980s. I kept in mind that I wanted my book—and the information in it—to be accessible to someone with an eighth-grade education. The book doesn’t work as a potential organizing tool if those most affected by these issues aren’t able to read and comprehend it.

What’s the response to Resistance Behind Bars been like—and how has it affected you personally and your work as an activist?

I think that because Resistance Behind Bars is a book specifically about incarcerated women—and even more specifically about their acts of resistance—it’s attracted attention and interest from people who normally think of prison issues as male issues and are excited and intrigued by incarcerated women’s resistance. Such an enthusiastic response means that I’ve been kept busy planning and doing events, not only the typical bookstore readings, but also workshops at various social justice conferences and at schools.

My daughter, who was a newborn when I first started researching incarcerated women’s resistance, is now eight years old and knows a lot about prisons, prison and gender, and abolition, probably more than most other eight-year-olds (except, perhaps, for any children whose parents are Critical Resistance organizers). She’s asked me very pointed questions about both realities inside prisons and ideas about abolition, which means that I had to clearly articulate my arguments, thoughts, and ideas.

What was the writing process like for this book?

When I first started researching, I did two things: I set aside all preconceived notions of what prisoner organizing might look like and started reading specifically about women in prison. I found a lot of material covered issues like motherhood and pregnancy. Issues of parenting—and, of course, pregnancy—do not come up in documentation about male prisoner organizing, and so people who are looking at instances of prisoner resistance aren’t going to necessarily look at how they organize around and challenge the realities of parents in prison. Battering and past abuse is another issue that comes up in a lot of the studies around incarcerated women, but again, that’s not an issue that we see impacting men going to prison and thus isn’t looked at as a “prison issue.”

I also scoured the news—and alternative media, mostly prison-related zines—for mentions of actions by incarcerated women. Once I found that someone had done something—filed a lawsuit, complained to the press, launched a hunger strike, etc.—I used the websites of either that state prison system or the Federal Bureau of Prisons to find the woman’s contact information and sent her a letter explaining who I was and what I was researching. I asked if she would be willing to share her stories and experiences with me.

Not wanting to take without giving back, I offered what I could: I offered to look up lawsuits for them and send them copies of court decisions; I offered to look up other resources for them; I offered to send them books via the Books Through Bars program that I helped start here in NYC; I sent stamps so that they could not only respond to me, but also write letters to other groups or people; in some cases, I offered to call their children if they were unable to get through themselves.

What were some of the most surprising realities about women in prison that you discovered in researching your book?

I remember receiving a letter from the Clear Creek County Jail in Colorado about the re-institution of the chain gang for the women held there. That wasn’t the huge surprise; the surprise was that the woman who wrote me was actually happy to be on the chain gang! She had recently given her newborn son up for adoption, and so I can’t help but wonder if keeping occupied, even if it’s on a chain gang, helps her process losing him. She’s not the only one: women at Clear Creek want to be on the chain gang. It’s tiring, backbreaking work in the hot sun, but it’s also the first chance they’ve been given to get out of their cells, be outdoors, and accrue “good time,” or time off their sentences. Keep in mind that the jail’s male inmates have had the chain gang for a while. They also have other chances to earn “good time.”

What are the most common misconceptions and assumptions circulating right now about women in prison that keep people from understanding what’s really going on inside prisons for women?

In May, I was invited to speak at a New York City high school about women and prison. Having done so many of these talks to people who are interested in prison issues and have some framework about the issue, I forget what the majority of people think or don’t know. I came in ready to talk about historical contexts and what is going on now and started with the question: “What do you think about when you think about prison? Who goes to prison and why?”

One girl raised her hand and said, “Criminals. People who do bad things.”

“Drug dealers.”

“Men.”

I realized that most of the students had no framework about incarceration other than what they had been fed by the mass media, so I had to mentally throw out my outline and start from scratch. I talked about poverty and racial profiling, the history of the prison as a means of social control, how Lyndon B. Johnson and Richard Nixon equated the civil rights movements and liberation movements with street crime and started their war(s) on crime to lock up poor people of color before they could mobilize to demand their rights. None of the students had ever heard of the Rockefeller Drug Laws or mandatory minimum sentencing. I hadn’t either when I was their age, and I grew up in New York City too!

I also talked about some of the conditions inside—the lack of health care treatment, the fact that staff members often encouraged prisoner-on-prisoner violence, because it’s easier for them if the prisoners aren’t uniting and fighting for basic human rights, lack of educational programs inside the prison. At the end of the hour, when we talked about what they, as high school students, could do about this issue, one boy raised his hand and suggested that we should lobby for medical treatment for people inside prison. “If I broke my leg in prison—or anywhere—I would want people to help me get it treated.”

Later one of the coordinators of that high school’s community day told me, “Students in your session were really struck by the experiences you shared with them, and there has been a lot of conversation in among students about issues concerning prison.” Some of the students were talking about forming a student club to do work around some of these issues, like the Rockefeller Drug Laws.

You write in the book that calls for reform have failed to adequately address the factors leading to women’s incarceration. How so?

Prisons fail to address the societal conditions that lead to incarceration, such as poverty and the increasing feminization of poverty, misogyny, violence, racism, and the issues that accompany women to prison. How does locking someone in a cage address any of these factors?

You have to remember that people have gone to prison face numerous obstacles in successfully reintegrating into the community when they are released from prison. Oftentimes, they are not only released with the same lack of resources and opportunities than they had before being arrested and incarcerated, but now have a criminal record which prevents them from getting certain jobs, qualifying for certain housing, or social safety nets. The 1996 welfare “reform” banned people with drug felonies for life. Similar legislation banned them from receiving governmental financial aid for college, etc.

We also need to keep in mind that prison issues affect all sorts of issues on the outside, shifting money and resources away from other public entities, such as education, housing, health care, drug treatment, and other societal supports that are needed.

Did motherhood change your own activism?

Before motherhood, I was super-involved in all sorts of political projects and organizing. New motherhood definitely made me sit still! Once my daughter was born, I realized that I had to pick a few issues and focus on them. I also couldn’t risk arrest or bringing my daughter to something where the police might attack the crowd.

I started researching resistance and organizing among incarcerated women shortly after my daughter was born. Being stuck inside during the winter with a newborn gave me a lot of time to read, respond to letters, contemplate ideas and issues—this, by the way, is something I did a lot while nursing—and work on draft after draft of this paper. I don’t know if I would have had this same opportunity if I had tried to do this as a childfree person rushing off from one political [event] to another at various hours of the day and night, or if my daughter had been older, more mobile, and needing more direct attention.

I want to stress that what’s made my continued involvement and even writing my book possible is the huge amount of support I get from my friends and the people with whom I organize. I realize that not all mothers get this type of support, although they should, and that I’m extremely fortunate to have such a wonderful support system.

What are you working on now?

My next book, Don’t Leave Your Friends Behind, will be an anthology co-edited with China Martens, a mother, writer, and publisher of the longest running subculture parenting zine, The Future Generation. Originally, China and I wanted to share our experiences as radical mothers and advocate for community support of all families. We were meeting parents and their allies and hearing their stories and experiences. A few years ago, we realized that we wanted to extend the reach of our message of community support and decided to compile a handbook specifically geared towards allies, or potential allies, of radical parents.

With Don’t Leave Your Friends Behind, we’re addressing the need to support—and build support systems for—families in our own social justice movements. In so many of our so-called radical movements, we’re not providing support for people who decide to have children so that they can continue participating in political work. There’s an individualistic attitude that says, “Well, I didn’t choose to have kids. You did, so you deal with them.”

Even when there’s not an overt resistance to having children in our movements, we need to look at how ways that we organize and socialize exclude parents and caretakers. We lose valuable organizers—and organizing experience—when we don’t take these factors into consideration.

Unlike Resistance Behind Bars, this book will be an anthology of both caregivers and their allies of ways that their movements support children and their caretakers in your collectives, organizations, or communities. We are especially seeking experiences that take into account factors such as race, class, gender, single parenthood, and/or mental health issues, since these issues often aren’t talked about when we talk about building communities and support systems here on the outside. We’re still reaching out, meeting people and collecting submissions, so if anyone out there has stories and experiences to share, they should definitely get in touch!

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