Archive for December, 2008

Brazil’s Eco-Warriors Risk Assassination

Twenty years after the killing of Chico Mendes, one of the world’s most prominent rainforest defenders, hundreds of human rights and environmental activists still face the threat of assassination in Brazil, a new study claims.

The report, compiled by Brazil’s Catholic Land Commission (CPT) and due to be released in full early next year, reveals that at least 260 people, among them a Catholic bishop, live under the threat of murder because of their fight against a coalition of loggers, farmers and cattle ranchers.

The list names Frei Henri des Rosiers, a French priest based in the Amazon town of Xinguara, as a particular target. Police are investigating claims he has a £14,000 price on his head because of his fight against slave labour. Also named are Maria José Dias da Costa, a union leader in the remote town of Rondon do Pará, and an Austrian bishop, Dom Erwin Krautler, who has been under 24-hour police guard for two years because of his battle against developers and child prostitution in his Amazonian diocese.

In February this year, Francisco da Silva, a 51-year-old leader of the landless movement in the Amazon, was killed with a single shot to the head. He had been named in a previous CPT report about rural leaders receiving death threats.

On Monday night the Brazilian president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, is expected to address the country on television to pay homage to the life of Mendes, a rubber tapper turned environmentalist who was gunned down outside his home on 22 December 1988. Lula’s address is part of a wave of tributes across Brazil, from marches on the streets of Rio de Janeiro to celebrations in his hometown of Xapuri. But while his standing as a symbol of protest is not in doubt 20 years on, environmentalists and human rights activists are divided on Mendes’s practical legacy.

In September this year government figures showed that deforestation in the Amazon had risen by 64% over the previous 12 months. Earlier this month, members of Ibama, Brazil’s environmental taskforce, discovered that nearly 3,000 hectares (7,410 acres) had been deforested, mostly illegally, inside a reserve named after Mendes. “Each year on 22 December I ask myself if he died in vain or not. And today, after all these years, the answer is not yet clear to me,” said Alfredo Sirkis, a prominent member of Brazil’s Green party and friend of Mendes.

Sirkis said: “I won’t say that nothing has improved,” but he added that the last 20 years had seen a “continuation of this project of devastation”.

Born in the remote Amazon state of Acre on 15 December 1944, Francisco Alves Mendes Filho followed in his parents’ footsteps early in life, becoming a rubber tapper at the age of nine.

By the mid-1980s he was spearheading protests against local cattle ranchers and their gunmen, who sought to tear down the forest and drive out the impoverished rubber tappers. Renowned for visionary views on sustainable development, Mendes quickly became a poster-boy for the international green movement, travelling to the US to lobby against infrastructure projects he believed would devastate the Amazon.

“He knew how to talk to the rubber tapper in the middle of the forest in the same way he knew how to talk to a technocrat from the World Bank,” said Sirkis. His murder turned him into an eco-martyr both at home and abroad, and catapulted the issue of rainforest destruction further up the international agenda.

“Chico left a great legacy,” said Brazil’s former environment minister, the senator and former rubber tapper Marina Silva. “Twenty years on, the environmental question has gained strength across the whole world.”

She added: “He was a guy that spoke of things which were ahead of his time … [and he] made me want to be part of that fight.”

Bishop Krautler agrees: “It was never in vain. In death he [Mendes] spoke even louder than when he was alive.”

Soon after his death, Brazil’s government began introducing the “extractivist reserves” of which Mendes had dreamed. The reserves were areas of rainforest where local populations could earn their living while simultaneously protecting the environment. The first, created in 1990, was named after him and now covers 11m hectares of land.
Chico Mendes: Martyr for our times

When I heard, 20 years ago this week, that Chico Mendes, leader of the Brazilian rubber tappers’ union, had been murdered, I was sad but not surprised. The last time I saw Chico, five months earlier in the town of Xapuri in the western state of Acre, he told me the ranchers had already tried to kill him six times.

Looking at my notebooks, I now notice that Chico actually named the man later convicted of organising his killing: Darly Alves da Silva, a rancher who has not been seen since escaping from jail where he was serving a sentence for the crime.

Darly already had a murder charge against him in another state, something Chico reported to the police.

It was when Chico’s union successfully defended a piece of virgin rainforest sprinkled with rubber trees against the ranchers’ attempts to claim it that the struggle became personal. Before the shooting of Mendes only 10 people had ever been brought to court for around 1,000 murders in the Amazon in the 1980s.

But Chico was different and his murder sparked an international furore.

In his speeches he used to say: “Come here and kill me. My chest is open.” He knew he might achieve more by his death than he had by his life.

Today the extractive reserves Chico championed are relatively successful in protecting parts of the Amazon, as are reserves run by the rainforest’s indigenous people.

Now people talk of using carbon credits to protect similar areas around the world. And I realise that I had met the martyr for our times – the Gandhi, or perhaps the Che Guevara, of our environmental age.
Charles Clover

Via Guardian UK

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Fundraiser for the Prison Birth Project

Drinks, Dancing, Solidarity
Saturday, January 17th, 2009
8 pm-Midnight

Community Church of Boston
565 Boylston St, Copley Square, Boston
Subway: Green line to Copley, Orange line to Back Bay

The Prison Birth Project is an organization focused on reproductive justice, working to provide education, support and resources about pregnancy, birth and mothering to incarcerated women.

We believe that the prison industrial complex perpetuates racism, sexism, and classism. Our ultimate goal is the mobilization of an intersectional movement for reproductive justice for all people.

Event info: boston@nefac.net

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The Privilege of Politeness

Check the full article here:

One item that comes up over and over in discussions of racism is that of tone/attitude. People of Color (POC) are very often called on their tone when they bring up racism, the idea being that if POC were just more polite about the whole thing the offending person would have listened and apologized right away. This not only derails the discussion but also tries to turn the insults/race issues into the fault of POC and their tone. Many POC have come to the realization that the expectation of politeness when saying something insulting is a form of privilege. At the core of this expectation of politeness is the idea that the POC in question should teach the offender what was wrong with their statement. Because in my experience what is meant by “be polite” is “teach me”, teach me why you’re offended by this, teach me how to be racially sensitive and the bottom line is that it is no one’s responsibility to teach anyone else. And even when POC are as polite as possible there is still hostility read into the words because people are so afraid of being called racist that they would rather go on offending than deal with the hard road of confronting their own prejudices.

When someone is accused of racism/prejudice and they don’t want to address the concern or even think about it, well then the POC accusing is too loud, too angry. But that ignores the fact that we have every right to be loud and angry. If I were to say something sexist/classist/racist/ablist/etc. I would not expect my friends to say “Well I’m offended by what you said and let’s have a calm discussion of why.” (especially with my friends) I would expect their first and most visceral reaction to be “Listen up, what you just said is fucked up and you better research and correct yourself!” Hell, I’d expect the same response from strangers because I don’t expect them to teach me or help me work through my unconscious prejudices. If I have some fucked up unconscious thoughts it’s my job to break it down and deal with it, no one else’s. Sure there are friends I could turn to but I don’t expect people to help me. For clarifications sake in my mind asking friends for help is not the same as expecting people to teach you. A white friend coming up to me and saying ‘Hey I’m writing this story with a black main character can you read it over?’ is completely different from putting some prejudiced writing/thoughts/beliefs out there and expecting me to be nice and teach you when I run across it. It’s the expectation not the asking that is privilege.

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Fire to the Prisons Info

Fire to the Prisons is an insurrectionist anarchist quarterly periodical that is distributed all over the world. It is intended to provoke a strong anarchist community of revolutionary solidarity and empowerment before repression.

The zine hopes to act as a bias media of agitation, and stimulant for the desire to destroy all constraint, and liberate our everyday lives. Every issue focuses on insurrectionist anarchist analysis, political prisoner updates, solidarity actions and resistance reports, indigenous solidarity, and more.

Deadline for submissions to issue #5 will be January 20th. Email guerillaheart@yahoo.com

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Anarchist Film Series Seeks Submissions

Submissions now accepted for the 9th year the Chicago Anarchist Film Festival will present a sample of films from mainstream sources, rediscovered classics and the works of filmmakers engaged in social change with an anarchist vision. Most media of all types launch attacks that distort, discredit and deny anarchists entirely. Anarchists and their allies respond with a relentless volley of images and stories that reveal, revive and invigorate a rich anarchist presence in society. -*- Chicago Anarchist Film Festival organizers seek un- and under-distributed films and videos to include in the 2009 Chicago Anarchist Film Festival. We also welcome suggestions for titles that may inadvertently allow anarchy to seep through the cracks of the status quo. Movie collage, music videos and trailers for works-in-progress will also be considered.

Deadline- April 1, 2009

Guidelines
All entries must be submitted with an entry form. A contributors statement and any promotional
material is appreciated. Please also indicate if you are available and interested in attending the
festival.

Submissions should be DVD (2 copies, any zone) or vhs (pal or ntsc). It may be possible to screen
16mm as well, but we need video for purpose of review. Selection is based on time allocation,
relevance, quality and resonance. There are no rewards or prizes beyond our invaluable appreciation
and heartfelt thanks, but we will be collecting audience feedback which can be provided to
contributors on request. All entrants will be updated on the status of their submissions. We ask
the contributions be made with the anarchist spirit of community and celebration with which they
will be received. Solidarity!

Shipping costs are the responsibility of the entrants. Videos will be
returned upon request. To ensure prompt return of material, please enclose $3 per submission.
Otherwise material submitted to the festival will be donated to a suitable community recipient.

Chicago Anarchist Film Festival (CAFF)
1321 N Milwaukee Ave #453, Chicago IL 60642
CAFF [at] riseup.net
home.comcast.net/~more_about_it/

Entry form
Title

Director

Contributor, if different

Completion date
Release date, if different
Production format vhs dvd 8mm 16mm 35mm other…..

Public screenings

Genre doc drama archival/found animation other…

Language
Subtitles

Address
City state zip
Phone
Email
www
This film is available by purchase from….

Viewing on
Youtube….loan from… Other….

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Katrina’s Hidden Race War

By A.C. Thompson
This article appeared in the January 5, 2009 edition of The Nation.

The way Donnell Herrington tells it, there was no warning. One second he was trudging through the heat. The next he was lying prostrate on the pavement, his life spilling out of a hole in his throat, his body racked with pain, his vision blurred and distorted.

It was September 1, 2005, some three days after Hurricane Katrina crashed into New Orleans, and somebody had just blasted Herrington, who is African-American, with a shotgun. “I just hit the ground. I didn’t even know what happened,” recalls Herrington, a burly 32-year-old with a soft drawl.

The sudden eruption of gunfire horrified Herrington’s companions–his cousin Marcel Alexander, then 17, and friend Chris Collins, then 18, who are also black. “I looked at Donnell and he had this big old hole in his neck,” Alexander recalls. “I tried to help him up, and they started shooting again.” Herrington says he was staggering to his feet when a second shotgun blast struck him from behind; the spray of lead pellets also caught Collins and Alexander. The buckshot peppered Alexander’s back, arm and buttocks.

Herrington shouted at the other men to run and turned to face his attackers: three armed white males. Herrington says he hadn’t even seen the men or their weapons before the shooting began. As Alexander and Collins fled, Herrington ran in the opposite direction, his hand pressed to the bleeding wound on his throat. Behind him, he says, the gunmen yelled, “Get him! Get that nigger!”

The attack occurred in Algiers Point. The Point, as locals call it, is a neighborhood within a neighborhood, a small cluster of ornate, immaculately maintained 150-year-old houses within the larger Algiers district. A nationally recognized historic area, Algiers Point is largely white, while the rest of Algiers is predominantly black. It’s a “white enclave” whose residents have “a kind of siege mentality,” says Tulane University historian Lance Hill, noting that some white New Orleanians “think of themselves as an oppressed minority.”

A wide street lined with towering trees, Opelousas Avenue marks the dividing line between Algiers Point and greater Algiers, and the difference in wealth between the two areas is immediately noticeable. “On one side of Opelousas it’s ‘hood, on the other side it’s suburbs,” says one local. “The two sides are totally opposite, like muddy and clean.”

Algiers Point has always been somewhat isolated: it’s perched on the west bank of the Mississippi River, linked to the core of the city only by a ferry line and twin gray steel bridges. When the hurricane descended on Louisiana, Algiers Point got off relatively easy. While wide swaths of New Orleans were deluged, the levees ringing Algiers Point withstood the Mississippi’s surging currents, preventing flooding; most homes and businesses in the area survived intact. As word spread that the area was dry, desperate people began heading toward the west bank, some walking over bridges, others traveling by boat. The National Guard soon designated the Algiers Point ferry landing an official evacuation site. Rescuers from the Coast Guard and other agencies brought flood victims to the ferry terminal, where soldiers loaded them onto buses headed for Texas.

Facing an influx of refugees, the residents of Algiers Point could have pulled together food, water and medical supplies for the flood victims. Instead, a group of white residents, convinced that crime would arrive with the human exodus, sought to seal off the area, blocking the roads in and out of the neighborhood by dragging lumber and downed trees into the streets. They stockpiled handguns, assault rifles, shotguns and at least one Uzi and began patrolling the streets in pickup trucks and SUVs. The newly formed militia, a loose band of about fifteen to thirty residents, most of them men, all of them white, was looking for thieves, outlaws or, as one member put it, anyone who simply “didn’t belong.”

Via The Nation

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Angola 3’s Woodfox to Remain in Prison

By BILL LODGE
* Advocate staff writer

Albert Woodfox has spent more than half his 61 years at the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola. And Woodfox will remain there until at least March while a federal appellate panel decides whether he should be released pending a third trial for his alleged murder of a security officer.

The panel will hear oral arguments in the case in March.

The decision was announced today by a three-member panel of the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.

U.S. District Judge James J. Brady of Baton Rouge overturned Woodfox’ conviction and ruled last month that he should be released from prison until the next trial for the 1972 fatal stabbing of 23-year-old Officer Brent Miller.

But Louisiana Attorney General James D. ‘Buddy’ Caldwell appealed to the 5th Circuit, arguing that Woodfox poses a potential threat to society because he was serving a 50-year sentence for armed robbery at the time of Miller?s death and has never been prosecuted on at least 10 armed robbery and aggravated rape charges pending since the 1960s in Orleans Parish.

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Does Color Fucking Matter?

By Marlena Gangi

Ever see color? Color in regard to one’s skin?

I ask because throughout my lifetime, I have heard many, many times from folks who I am in regular contact with that they do not see color. Their opinion is that we all live in the same world, and if everyone would just “not see color,” then gosh darnit, this ding dang world would be a grand ol’ place to be. Because, they say, color does not matter.

Something else that I have been witness to is the insistence from folks that because their European ancestors some thousand years ago were considered the “niggers of Europe,” they share my racist history of colonization. With this, I have had a number of cohorts say in all seriousness and without a hint of reality, “I understand your struggle, Sister! I understand because I share your oppression.”

Did I mention that the only people who have said these things to me are white skinned and therefore privy to all of the privilege entitled and contained thereof?

“When those who serve defer to the authority of the experience of the oppressed, social change is possible.”

I have taken this quote from fellow journalist Bonnie Tinker. While her statement speaks specifically to the experience of battered women and the need to create and support a movement that includes the leadership of victims and survivors of domestic violence, I am significantly moved by her statement. I am moved because this statement contains in its few words the message that all too often falls deaf on the ears of the white radical and Progressive Left.

A months ago I spoke at a pre-May Day event in Portland. Aimed at promoting community building, communication and solidarity within the Portland radical community, the gathering was overwhelmingly white, young, and included groups active in protecting the environment, supporting prisoners, publishers of alternative media, as well as organizations whose activism focused on anti-fascist and anti-racist struggles.

As usual, I was one of maybe two other people of color to attend the gathering of about 100. I touched on this when it became my time to speak. I began by thanking the other attendees for their work and then asked why it was that, when attending events organized by the radical Left, I always find myself asking, “Why am I the only person of color here?“

I then addressed one of the anti-racist organizations in attendance. “The folks whose oppression that you work to eradicate — why aren’t they here? Do they know about your work and that you would be here tonight?”

I was met with blanks stares.

I continued to talk about the need for interracial and intercultural dialog within the radical left, or more specifically the white radical left. I also said that in order to make real change possible, it is imperative that this dialog occurs as a first step in forming coalitions with radical people of color.

I have many, many times been asked by white social justice activists to explain how to best organize in Black/Latino/Asian/indigenous communities of color. My answer to this is, if you even have to ask this question, you’ve got no business in even attempting to organize in communities of color.

I remember attending a gathering about 15 years ago that had been called by Indigenous elders who were fighting to preserve sacred sites on Indian land. A young blond haired, blue eyed dread locked man asked one of the elders how he could best assist in the sacred site struggle. The elder answered, “Well, if you find that you absolutely have to be part of our struggle, I guess I would advise that you just show up, keep your mouth shut and listen.”

What I would add to this is, that as much as we all would like to believe that we all live in the same world, the fact of the matter is that we do not. As a colonized Chicana, I awaken every day and wonder in what form I will have to experience racism. Will it come in the form of cultural assumption? Will it arrive in the form of unfounded suspicion based on racist stereotypes? Or, will it be a blatant and direct attack based solely on the color of my skin? We do not all live in the same world. Unless you are, because of your skin color, the target of the 500-year-old undemocratic white supremacist oppression enacted by the 500-year-old dominant social structure, you DO NOT share my oppression. If you have white skin, you are privileged. And, please make no mistake, please understand; I do see color.

And, it fucking matters.

Via Mostly Water

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Bicycles, Critical Mass and White Pivilege

An excerpt from the Debunking White post:

On the issue of Critical Mass, PoC are more often targeted by police for participating in critical mass, as they are in all other areas of life. I do think the goal of Critical Mass, to make bikes more visible and to encourage people to get rid of their cars, does have a positive effect on communities of color, because of the necessity of bicycles for members of those communities, but also because of issues of environmental justice. This does not negate the fact that it is White Privilege that allows white people to take part in critical mass and break traffic laws en masse without significant repercussions.

Another example of white privilege in the cycling community is the response to the scraper bike video. It was pretty much viewed as a novelty or joke by the (majority white) cycling community, despite the fact that the group is heavily involved in the local community, advocating for green jobs and working against violence, and has taken part in Oakland critical mass. Despite that it was seen as a sort of internet one hit wonder. It certainly isn’t, it’s a deep community based movement that is local culture and a part of the cycling community.

Another major aspect of white privilege in bike culture is the majority white employment in bicycle industry jobs. I work in the warehouse at a fairly big bicycle and parts distribution company. The vast majority of the warehouse workers are not white, given the standards of the rest of the country where most of the white employees are from, whereas most of the non-warehouse employees are white. In my experience with bike shops there is a similar dynamic, the majority of employees are white. Most of the white people who work there are involved in the cycling community in one way or another, most of the PoC are not, even those who express interest. But, worse still is the fact that the white people who work in the warehouse, myself included, are seen as on a track to start working in the office area. I’ll admit that I would like to work in the office, I started working there with the hope that I’d move out of the warehouse. I’m not sure how to address the issues here, but I’m planning on bringing them up with one of the owners who I’m on good terms with.

Overall I think that the (white) cycling community is generally progressive and I hope they will be open to including more PoC, on their(PoC) own terms if approached in the right way.

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Bash Back Announces Convergence

QueerAnarcha-Queers! Trannies! Fairies! Perverts! Sex-Workers! Sex-Radicals! Allies! —- Bash Back!* is ecstatic to announce a national radical queer convergence to take place in Chicago, May 28th through May 31st of 2009! We are pleased to invite all radical-queers for a a weekend of debauchery and mischief. —- The last weekend of May will prove to be four solid days of workshops, discussions, performances, games, dancing and street action! We’ll handle the food and the housing. Ya’ll bring the orgy, riot, and decadence!

We’re looking for folks to facilitate discussions, put on workshops, organize caucuses, share games, tell stories, get heavy in some theory, or bottom-line a dance party. More specifically we’re looking for workshops themed around queer and trans liberation, anti-racism, confronting patriarchy, sex work, ableism, self defense, DIY mental and sexual health, radical history, pornography, or queer theory.

We are also looking for copious amounts of glitter, safer sex products, zines, home-made sex toys, balaclavas, pink and black flags, sequins, bondage gear, rad porn, flowers, strap-ons, and assorted dumpstered goodies.

You down?

To RSVP, volunteer for a workshop, get more information, or send us dirty pictures:

email – radicalqueer2009@gmail.com
and check out – BashBackNews.Wordpress.Com

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What We See, What We Hope: Declaration of Solidarity with the Uprising in Greece

We want first of all to say a collective yes! to the uprising in Greece. We are artists, writers and teachers who are connected in this moment by common friends and commitments. We are globally dispersed and are mostly watching, and hoping, from afar. But some of us are also there, in Athens, and have been on the streets, have felt the rage and the tear gas, and have glimpsed the dancing specter of the other world that is possible. We claim no special right to speak or be heard. Still, we have a few things to say. For this is also a global moment for speaking and sharing, for hoping and thinking together. . .

No one can doubt that the protest and occupation movement that has spread across Greece since the police murder of Alexis Grigoropoulos in Athens on 6 December is a social uprising whose causes reach far deeper than the obscene event that triggered it. The rage is real, and it is justified. The filled streets, strikes and walk-outs, and occupied schools, universities, union halls and television stations have refuted early official attempts to dismiss the social explosion as the work of a small number of “young people” in Exarchia, Athens or elsewhere in Greece.

What remains to be seen is whether the movement now emerging will become an effective political force — and, if it does, whether it will be contained within a liberal-reformist horizon or will aim at a more radical social and political transformation. If the movement takes the liberal-reformist path, then the most to be expected will be the replacement of one corrupt party in power by its corrupt competitor, accompanied by a few token concessions wrapped in the empty rhetoric of democracy. These would almost certainly be the smoke-screen for a reactionary wave of new repressive powers masquerading as security measures. Only radically democratic and emancipatory demands, clearly articulated and resolutely struggled for, could prevent this outcome and open the space for a rupture in a destructive global system of domination and exploitation. As we count ourselves among those who experience this system as the violent negation of human spirit and potential, we could only welcome such a rupture as a reassertion of humanity in the face of a repressive politics of fear.

Observing events in Greece and the official and corporate media discourse developing in response to them, we note the emergence of what begins to looks like a new elite consensus. The “violent unrest” in Greece, we are told with increasing frequency, is the revolt of the “700-Euro generation” — that is, of overeducated young people with too few prospects of a decent position and income. The solution, by this account, is to revitalize Greek society through more structural adjustments to make the economy more dynamic and efficient. Once all people are convinced they will be welcomed and integrated into consumer reality and rewarded with purchasing power commensurate with their educational investment, then the conditions of this “revolt” will have been eliminated. In short: everything will be fine, and everyone happy, once some adjustments have made capitalism in Greece less wasteful of its human resources.

We have seen this strategy before, in response to the uprisings in the suburbs of Paris and around the CPE “reforms” in France several years ago. Indeed, since the 1960s this has been the perennial, preferred strategy of power to all uprisings that show themselves unwilling to disappear immediately. Its functions are crystal clear: to channel the movement in a neutralizing liberal-reformist direction and to provoke divisions by means of lures and promises. Those who don’t take the bait are left isolated and can be safely targeted for repression.

We hope those in the streets and all those who sympathize with and support them in and outside of Greece will see through this strategy and expose and denounce it. We’re sure that there is much more at stake, and much more to be imagined, hoped and struggled for, than will be on offer in this neo-liberal sleeping pill. And we hope that, in the space opened up by the real rage and courage of people who have left passivity and hopelessness behind, this social movement will now organize itself into a durable political force capable of scorning such recuperative enticements.

In light of the above, we declare openly that:

1) We are moved by the courage and humanity of those who have repeatedly filled the streets and are now occupying schools and university campuses in Athens, Thessaloniki, Patras, and cities across Greece. Our solidarity with them will not be shaken by official attempts to divide the movement into “good” protesters and “bad.” In the face of the police murder of a 15-year old — only the most recent in a long series of such murders by state officers — and in the face of the grinding inhumanity and relentless militarization of everyday life under the capitalist war of all against all, the destruction of private property does not upset us. To be clear: We’re not endorsing violence blindly; in fact we’re heartened to see that actions are becoming more selective, more political, with each day. But we know how divisive fixation on the “violence” of protesters can be in moments such as these. And so we refuse to go along with attempts to isolate certain groups. Those who play along with that script allow themselves to be used in a way that delivers others to direct repression.

2) We call for the immediate liberation and unconditional amnesty for all those arrested for participating in the uprising — more than 400 people at this writing.

3) We reject all attempts to trivialize this uprising by reducing it to the revolt of an overeducated “700-Euro generation.”

4) We categorically reject any attempt to smear this uprising with the label of “terrorism.” The only terror it is appropriate to speak of here is the ongoing state terror inflicted on the autonomists of Exarchia, on immigrants, on the poor and vulnerable, and on all those who refuse to conform and submit to the bleak and violent givens of capitalist normality. We condemn any attempt, now or in the future, to apply draconian “anti-terrorism” laws and measures against those participating in this movement.

Brett Bloom (Urbana)

Dimitris Bacharas (Athens)

Rozalinda Borcila (Chicago)

Peter Conlin (London)

Alexandros Efklidis (Thessaloniki)

Markus Euskirchen (Berlin)

Nathalie Fixon (Paris)

Bonnie Fortune (Urbana)

Kirsten Forkert (London)

John Fulljames (London)

Jack Hirschman (San Francisco)

Antoneta Kotsi (Athens)

Isabella Kounidou (Nicosia)

Henrik Lebuhn (San Francisco)

Ed Marszewski (Chicago)

Jasmin Mersmann (Berlin)

Anna Papaeti (Athens)

Csaba Polony (Oakland)

Katja Praznik (Ljubljana)

Gene Ray (Berlin)

Tamas St. Auby (Budapest)

Gregory Sholette (New York)

G.M. Tamás (Budapest)

Flora Tsilaga (Athens)

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APOC Audio Call For Participation

This October, APOCers in the Northwest, in partnership with Circle-A Radio, aired their first episode of CPR: Colored Peoples’ Resistance on KBOO out of Portland. Folks in the Northwest learned about APOC movement on their radios, and folks across the globe learned about APOC movement in the United States. That’s a great achievement, and should be celebrated! What’s more, it should inspire and invigorate APOC movement in North America.

In that spirit, we want to issue a challenge to APOC groups far and wide:

  1. APOC groups are invited to create an audio piece and send it to the folks at NW APOC, for airing on an edition of CPR in early 2009.
  2. Your audio piece must be no more than 20 minutes in length, and must be completed and received by Northwest APOC by February 15th, 2009. You can send a CD with high-quality audio files to En Lucha, 1724 NE Broadway Ste. 554, Portland OR 97232. Or you can email guerilla.girl.is[at]gmail.com for other sending methods.
  3. Your audio piece can be structured however you want, but could include content like:
    • portraits of APOCers in your area–what brought y’all to APOC politics?
    • what APOC looks like in your area–is it a reading group? a social network? a dedicated collective?
    • issues and sites of struggle particular to your context (e.g. the border wall, specific migration politics, a nearby prison, etc)
    • kickin’ music that y’all are into
  4. APOCers already involved with community or public radio should look for ways to use the CPR content on radio programs in their own cities. Folks with radio hook-ups should coordinate with NW APOC to recieve the content they want to use.

This is an invitation to share with other APOCers around the country how APOC is developing in your area. It’s an invitation to build useful audio skills that could come in handy for future projects. And it’s an invitation to create your own media, because “when yr bringing it real you don’t get rotation / unless you take over the station!”

All Power Thru The People!
APOC-NYC & NW-APOC

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Gay is Not the New Black

Irene Monroe writes:

If you are African American and gay, and fighting alongside your white brothers and sisters for queer civil rights, the notion that “Gay is the new black” is not only absurdly arrogant, it is also dangerously divisive.

In a presumably “post-racial” era with the country’s first African American president-elect, it’s easy for some to assume that race doesn’t matter.

But when critiquing the dominant white gay community’s ongoing efforts to gain marriage equality and its treatment of blacks as their second-class allies in the struggle a reality check happens — both straight and queer African American communities bond together against their strategy for marriage equality.

Why?

Because race does matter!

Case in point: Proposition 8 and blaming the black community for its win at the ballot box.

The Proposition 8 debate has brought much consternation and polarization between white gay community and African Americans.

And with the expectation of a dominantly white Marriage Equality movement pushing forward a single — issue agenda, the movement arrogantly ignores vital ways for coalition — building within black communities, and honorable ways of connecting their struggle to those of African Americans.

But there’s an example that defused the tension in much of the heterosexual African American community when it was publicly arguing that same-sex marriage is not a civil rights issue.

In commemorating the 40th Anniversary of Loving v. Virginia in the June 12, 1967 historic Supreme Court decision that advanced racial and marriage equality in this country, the NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund, Inc., marked the anniversary by stating the following: “It is undeniable that the experience of African Americans differs in many important ways from that of gay men and lesbians; among other things, the legacy of slavery and segregation is profound. But differences in historical experiences should not preclude the application of constitutional provisions to gay men and lesbians who are denied the fight to marry the person of their choice.” And in April of 2006, NAACP LDF filed a friend-of-the-court brief in the case brought by New York same-sex couples challenging their exclusion from marriage.

But the Marriage Equality movement neither extends its reach beyond its concerns within its community nor outside of it.

How the marriage debate should have been framed — in a way that speaks truth to various queer communities of color and classes — has not been given considerable concern.

And with no public language to adequately articulate the unique embodiment of queer communities of color and classes within the same-sex marriage debate, this has become contentious. The dominant white queer languaging of this debate, at best, muffles the voices of these communities, and, at worst, mutes them. In other words, in leaving out the voices of queer communities of color and classes, the same-sex marriage debate is hijacked by a white upper class queer universality that not only renders these marginalized queer communities invisible, but — as it is presently framed — also renders them speechless.

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Laborers Target Developer’s Home

Dozens of protesters gathered Thursday night in front of the Palos Verdes Estates home of Daniel Niemann, president of a development company accused of failing to pay day laborers.

Niemann Properties, along with a subcontractor, is the target of an ongoing class-action lawsuit filed in May by more than 100 day laborers, who said they were never compensated for work done on a condominium project in Hollywood last year.

A day-laborer advocacy group has held protests at the project site, the Rolling Hills Estates company headquarters, and now at Niemann’s home.

“We want to make sure Mr. Niemann is reminded that over 100 families are not going to be able to share a nice meal at Christmastime due to his company not doing what’s right,” said Marco Amador, a spokesman for the National Day Laborer Organizing Network. “Maybe next time we’ll go to his church.”

Niemann said in a statement that the laborers should focus their frustration at Alpha Co., the subcontractor that allegedly failed to issue proper payment.

“The protesters are directing their anger in the wrong place and at the wrong people,” he said.

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