Archive for category Organizing

US Campaign’s longstanding endorsement of the boycott call

David Wildman and Amie Fishman, The Electronic Intifada, 21 September 2009

Thanks to Nada Elia for her article “A Turning Point in the US Solidarity Movement” (16 September 2009) and for her important role in cogently laying out the rationale for engaging in cultural and academic boycotts of Israeli institutions during the 8th Annual National Organizers’ Conference of the US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation.

Indeed, as Elia states, we broke new ground at this conference by voting to expand the scope of our boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) work to encompass both cultural and academic boycotts of Israeli institutions and campaigns against Israeli corporations profiting from occupation and apartheid. Up until this conference, the US Campaign focused its BDS efforts on confronting US corporations that profit from Israeli occupation and apartheid. While this expanded commitment is new, the US Campaign’s commitments to BDS and organizing within an anti-apartheid framework are longstanding.

The US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation actually began an early BDS campaign in 2002, with the creation of our Divestment Task Force during the US Campaign’s first year of existence. We endorsed the Palestinian civil society call for BDS campaigns shortly after it was issued in 2005, and within one month had chosen Caterpillar as the first BDS priority for the coalition. And in 2007, we voted to add to our work a new BDS campaign against Motorola during our 6th Annual National Organizers’ Conference.

In 2006 we adopted the anti-apartheid framework to shape all of our work challenging Israeli policy towards Palestinians. This has resulted in the US Campaign producing numerous educational materials about Israeli apartheid and a major national anti-apartheid speaking tour in 2008 featuring Diana Buttu, former Palestine Liberation Organization legal advisor, and Eddie Makue, Secretary General of the South African Council of Churches.

The US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation has been and will continue to be committed to the Palestinian civil society call for BDS and to opposing Israeli apartheid policies toward Palestinians. For additional information about our BDS and anti-apartheid work, please visit our website at: http://www.endtheoccupation.org.

Sincerely,

David Wildman and Amie Fishman
Co-Chairs, Steering Committee
US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation

The Letters to EI section functions in the same way as a newspaper’s letter column. Submissions should not exceed 700 words, must state that they are FOR PUBLICATION, include a brief 2-3 line bio, your e-mail and phone number (for verification purposes only), and will be published at the sole discretion of The Electronic Intifada. EI may shorten and edit letters for grammar, with consideration for retaining the integrity of the points made by writers. Send letters to EI here.

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Boycott movement derails Jerusalem’s transit system

Jonathan Cook, The Electronic Intifada, 18 September 2009

An ill-fated light railway under construction in Jerusalem was originally heralded by Israeli officials as a way to cement the city’s “unification” four decades after the city’s Palestinian half was illegally annexed to Israel.

But the only unity generated among Jewish and Palestinian residents after four years of disruptions to the city’s traffic and businesses is general agreement that the project is rapidly becoming a white elephant.

After engineering problems, rows between the contractors and the municipality and delays caused by archaeological discoveries along the route, completion of the first 14 kilometers section of track is not expected until the end of next year at the earliest — more than 18 months behind schedule. The budget overspend is estimated at more than $500 million.

This week, in an indication of the deepening crisis, Israel’s Dan bus company was forced to step in to buy the five percent stake of Veolia, a French company that is supposed to operate the line for the next 30 years. Dan, which is waiting for the Israeli government to approve its bid, has no prior experience of running a rail system.

Shmuel Elgrably, a spokesman for the transit system, told the Haaretz newspaper last week that the loss of Veolia had “screwed” the project.

Veolia’s unexpected withdrawal from City Pass, a French-Israeli private consortium backed in part by public finances, is being claimed as a victory by Palestinian officials and activists whose boycott and lobbying efforts appear to have forced the company to quit the project.

They have accused Veolia and another French firm, Alstom, which is laying the tracks and providing the rail cars, of violating international law by working on a project designed to benefit Jewish settlements in the occupied part of Jerusalem.

Since East Jerusalem’s annexation, Israel has moved some 200,000 Jews into illegal colonies surrounding more than a quarter of a million Palestinian residents.

Despite pressure from Washington for a settlement freeze in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, declared this week: “Jerusalem is not a settlement and construction [of homes] will go on as planned.”

Officials announced this month that 500 new apartments are to be built in Pisgat Zeev — a settlement of more than 40,000 Jews that will be connected to West Jerusalem in the first phase of the rail system’s construction.

The line, which is supposed to serve 150,000 passengers a day and ease congestion on Jerusalem’s roads, will also pass by the famous Damascus and Jaffa Gates of the Old City.

Future sections of track are supposed to link up other Jewish settlements, including Neve Yaacov, Atarot and Gilo.

When the transit system contract was signed in 2005, Ariel Sharon, the prime minister at the time, said it would “sustain Jerusalem for eternity as the capital of the Jewish people.”

Omar Barghouti, a founder of the Palestinian boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement, which has been targeting Veolia and Alstom over their involvement, wrote this month in the Jerusalem Quarterly magazine that the railway was part of “a comprehensive, long-term strategy … to cement the integration of those [settlement] blocs into an ever sprawling ‘Greater Jerusalem.’”

Barghouti claimed that the transit system is part of a secret Israeli plan, the outlines of which were revealed by the Haaretz newspaper in May, to create large infrastructure projects to prevent the future division of Jerusalem and thereby thwart any hope of a peace agreement.

The Palestinians demand East Jerusalem as the capital of their hoped-for state.

The project’s supporters, however, point out that five of the 23 stations along the first line will be located in Palestinian neighborhoods, including the deprived Shuafat refugee camp.

To be profitable, says City Pass, the light rail must cater to the city’s large communities of ultra-Othodox and Palestinians, both of whom are heavy users of public transport but currently use different bus routes.

Yet there are few indications that either group is keen to be brought on-board the transit system.

Palestinians are likely to be wary of using a railway dominated by settlers, and there may be severe limitations to their access to the service.

Shir Hever, a Jerusalem-based economist, said many Israeli Jews would be unwilling to share trains with the city’s Palestinian inhabitants, particularly after a series of attacks last summer in East Jerusalem, mostly using bulldozers.

“The real questions,” he said, “are how many Palestinian areas in East Jerusalem will be left out of the loop of the rail system and, even where there are stops, what security requirements will be imposed on Palestinians, compared to Israeli Jews, before they can board the train?”

Some observers suspect that, after the first attack following the railway’s opening, it will be closed to Palestinian travelers.

The ultra-Orthodox appear equally distrustful. Their rabbis have condemned the transit system because it will encourage men and women to mingle and replace the community’s own segregated “modesty” buses. Last year, seven rabbis wrote to the municipality to complain that their followers would have to pass through secular neighborhoods “where a God-fearing person would not set foot.”

Planners too, it seems, are preparing for trouble. The 42 rail cars — each costing more than $3 million — are designed to withstand stones and firebombs.

But the very survival of the project is now in question after the BDS movement’s successful lobbying. A Dutch bank, ASN, pulled its investments from Veolia in 2006, and the company lost a large contract in Sweden this year.

Alstom is also under great pressure. The Swedish national pension fund, AP7, excluded the French firm from its investment portfolio this year and activists are now seeking to force its withdrawal from a consortium awarded a $1.8 billion contract in Saudi Arabia to build the Haramain Express between Mecca and Medina.

In addition, both Veolia and Alstom are battling the Palestine Liberation Organization through the French courts over their involvement in City Pass.

The consortium’s woes have only increased with the election last year as Jerusalem mayor of Nir Barkat, a right-wing businessman who is a vocal opponent of the venture. Costs have already exceeded $1.1 billion, twice the original projections, with the Israeli government sinking in $200 million itself.

Earlier this year Barkat threatened to terminate City Pass’ contract after the completion of the first line. He believes other routes can be served by a fleet of buses that would be five times cheaper to run.

Jonathan Cook is a writer and journalist based in Nazareth, Israel. His latest books are Israel and the Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the Middle East (Pluto Press) and Disappearing Palestine: Israel’s Experiments in Human Despair (Zed Books). His website is www.jkcook.net.

A version of this article originally appeared in The National, published in Abu Dhabi.

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Practical Ideas for an Anti-Racist Radical Ecological Movement

By Maria

While I’m excited to be a part of Earth First! at a time when the movement as a whole seems to be making a concerted effort to break with a past littered with xenophobia, racism and other oppressive elements, it’s still frustrating to see expressions of white-dominated culture manifest themselves in other ways, unchallenged and invisible to those who benefit from this social arrangement. Our solutions thus far have mostly involved creating more discussion spaces that deal with these issues and arguing over the same points time and time again about the necessity of “people of color (POC)-only spaces,” the reality and construction of race in our countries, about the liberatory possibilities of nationalism, indigenous fetishization (which is sadly more prevalent than I had hoped prior to becoming involved in EF!) and tokenization. While these discussions raise great points, they are not enough. They might be illuminating or interesting to some people, but as a consequence of feeling personally affected by some of them, I have talked these issues to death both at ecological gatherings and in my day-to-day life.

This article proposes a few concrete focus-and attitude-shifts which I believe are necessary to expand our movement and make it something that people of color can feel more comfortable calling ourselves a part of—without taking too much time away from learning practical land-based and conservation skills, and organizing local ecological campaigns (which are the primary reasons I attend gatherings, read the Earth First! Journal and organize with my local group).

Some New Focuses

Physical accessibility speaks for itself. If people can’t get to where the action is, or if they think the difficulty in getting there isn’t worth the payoff, they’ll not only refrain from being involved but will also feel marginalized and discouraged. The EF! Organizers’ Conference (OC) in 2006 was my second time camping. Ever. And I was 20 years old. Twenty-five percent of African-American households, 17 percent of Latino households and 13 percent of Asian-American households do not own a car, compared to just seven percent of White households. It was an enormous honor and privilege to be in that swamp, and I anticipated the following year’s OC even more, knowing I’d get a break from the concrete, the gunshots and the constant din of cars on 79th St. in Miami. I would never want the OCs or Round River Rendezvous (RRRs) out of the wild, but very well-coordinated transportation should always be a priority to such events. The 2006 OC in South Florida brought some activists up from South America, which is a stellar example of this effort.

Food security and food justice are important issues for folks who grew up or are living in the inner city, whether we define the struggle to eat well in those terms or not. Based on the 1997 Current Population Survey, 42 percent of Native Americans, 15 percent of Blacks, nine percent of Hispanics and five percent of Asians and Pacific Islanders lived in rural areas. By comparison, 23 percent of Whites lived in rural areas.

The nearest supermarket to the apartment my boyfriend and I shared in Miami treated us to dusty expired cans; nasty meat; smelly fish (hint, fish should only smell like salt-water. That “fishy” smell means it’s not fresh), sodium, corn-syrup and MSG- packed “convenience” foods; and rotting vegetables and fruits. The alternatives were overpriced convenience stores and gas stations which sell more alcohol, cigarettes, candy and starchy bleached foods than fruits or vegetables. In some neighborhoods, these establishments replace supermarkets, or the supermarkets are too far to walk to safely at night. The distribution of food does not exist in a vacuum outside of the raising, growing and processing of foods. Monoculture, grazing, hunting, genetically modified foods, farm subsidies and localization of food production are all important ecological issues. I won’t pretend that these don’t have vital social justice elements to them, as well, because I don’t conceive of biocentrism in a way that artificially separates humans from the rest of the planet. I would love to see EF! expending more energy confronting the way food gets to our plate and the ways that this process destroys ecosystems, animals and the physical and mental strength of our communities. I’m sure folks who grew up constantly getting sick with food poisoning would dig it, as well.

What Isn’t Working

White people need to stop parroting oversimplified, anti-racist bullet-points in ways that are not only incorrect but also create confusion and backlash amongst those who might otherwise be interested in learning about anti-racism, or act like Critical Race Theory (an academia-soaked philosophy to begin with) is the only lens through which to examine and understand race relations. These people are decent enough, but they sometimes come across as guilt-ridden, wishy-washy ass-kissers, selling out their beliefs in a well-meaning, but condescending attempt to “forge bonds with the oppressed,” or whatever. A statement like “people of color can’t be racist” with no context or follow-up makes no sense in the popular imagination, defying all common definitions of the word “racist” and being subsumed into activist-speak, which makes it even easier to marginalize. Think about this before you paste it into your next zine or workshop outline. A much subtler way of seeming “down” that I’ve noticed lately is the tendency of some white radicals to occasionally adopt the mannerisms, dress, accents or (sub)culture of people of color in order to attract them to their cause or group. This is insulting, disingenuous and doesn’t work anyhow.

Over-population and the problems it raises are not a strict numerical equation. Less people overall won’t necessarily create less wilderness destruction. It is also a class and race issue. Would the natural world and its people stop being exploited if every person in Africa or on the Mexican border disappeared tomorrow? There might be less labor, but machines are there to pick up the slack. By presenting the problem of humans consuming too many resources and infringing on wild spaces as one that can be solved (or, as some believe, will inevitably and unfortunately be solved) simply by less people being around, white people remain blind to the racist, colonialist and anti-choice historical baggage that comes with mostly white movements presupposing to know what’s best for non-white families. Reading up on forced sterilization of women of color in the US and other medical horrors inflicted upon POC by “concerned” white people, welfare reform in the ‘90s and critiques of the transnational adoption industry is helpful to further understand these connections.

What We Ought to Recognize and Come to Terms With

It’s important to recognize that white movements attract white people. Or rather, white people attract white people. Similar dynamics exist with many other racial/ethnic groups in this country due to the highly segregated nature of the US. Examining this country’s racist history (and present), the social contexts of different cultures and subcultures, the demographics of poverty, and the purposes of particular social institutions will help glean some understanding of this, but that is beyond the scope of this piece.

However, individual EF! groups ought to continue to check themselves on incestuous organizing (what one might call preaching to the choir, reaching out only to the same white punks at every show or using specifically white subcultural imagery and language in promotional materials and discussions). If EF! groups don’t do this, they should not act surprised that it’s the same people or demographic of people showing up to everything. I’m not suggesting that certain people cover up their Crass tattoos or EF! groups attempt to acquire token individuals of every race and ethnicity in order to appear diverse. Instead, recognize that we have an important message that has the potential for broad appeal. Trying to keep young, white punk kids in familiar territory, physically and mentally, should not hinder sharing our strategies and values. That, or just accept that yours is a small group with a few of your friends who, if you are white, are probably white, too.

When strategizing our outreach efforts, it’s also vital to understand that different individuals have different relationships to their landbase. Many of us grew up in concrete jungles, having had little to no experience with wilderness, having never seen a mountain or stream in real life, our animal encounters being primarily with house pets and vermin. Wilderness is a far-away dream or a nightmare filled with malevolent beasts and certain death from starvation. Knowing and caring enough about nature to give up conveniences and put your body and freedom on the line is not an automatic, instinctual process. However, I think that gatherings and other camp-outs can help set this process in motion.

Finally, I’d like to suggest that we, as radical environmentalists of color, recognize the class make-up of our POC spaces. Did almost everyone attend the same private liberal arts colleges as the white people in the other room? Perhaps we grew up in the same variety of suburban neighborhoods or woodsy gated communities, or worked at the same non-profits? Anywhere from 20-25 percent of Hispanics, Blacks and Native Americans/Native Alaskans live in poverty, compared to only eight percent of Whites. Do our groups reflect this statistic at all, or are they hugely skewed in another direction? As someone who grew up poor, I’ve occasionally personally felt as out of place amongst affluent, academic activists of color as I have among working-class or poor white people.

We must recognize that we have different cultural and racial differences in our experiences and relationships to white supremacy as compared to our white comrades, but we need to ask ourselves similar questions about diversity to those we’re asking white people. I recently expressed to a Colombian friend (who, with the exception of one group, is very turned off by Earth First!) how much I respect the work that EF! does and my desire to work within the movement in spite of some of the unsavory attitudes and individuals I and others have encountered. Hopefully, the thoughts in this piece will inspire readers to refine and craft new strategies for dealing with the white supremacy, racism and xenophobia that transcend shallow analysis and tokenization.

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Oppose Nike’s Bid to Buy Japan Community Park

The Coalition to Protect Miyashita Park from Becoming Nike Park
1-27-8-202 Higashi; Shibuya-ku, Tokyo; Japan
TEL/FAX: +81-3-3406-5254, Email: miyashita@riseup.net

We, volunteers from varying backgrounds, have come together to protect Miyashita Park from a plan that would turn it into a Nike park. Currently, the city is moving ahead with plans to fully renovate Miyashita Park, adding a skateboarding area and a cafe, without even notifying local residents and park frequenters. After the renovation, a fee will be charged for use of the sports facility and, it has been explained, part of this fee will be used to cover maintenance costs. The investor providing all 450 million yen of the project costs is none other than the sports apparel and accessories maker, Nike Corporation. Thus, changing the park?s name to Nike Park has become part of the plan. It is estimated that Shibuya-ku will receive approximately 150 million yen over 5 years for the naming right.

We oppose the plan to make our park Nike Park for the following reasons:

1) According to the renovation plan, Miyashita Park will be converted to a park expressly for sports enthusiasts. This means that a highly public space which people have been able to freely and actively utilize up until now will be turned into a commercial space for the profit of one business. Persons who do not pay for using the park as a service, will be unable to even rest at the park. This will surely have a negative impact on society at large and generally the way in which people come together.

2) For many years, Miyashita Park has been known as a space where many citizens? groups hold gatherings, or as a starting and ending point for local marches and events. Also, it has stood as a life-saving place where many persons forced to live on the streets can stay. This plan would unquestionably deprive groups and individuals of a space for their freedom of expression, and for their daily lives.

3) This project has been forced onto the ward by Shibuya?s mayor and a number of assemblypersons in a top-down manner. Neither the ward assembly nor the city planning council has been consulted, and almost no information can be found in materials that have been made available to the public. Also, we would like to know how Nike came to be involved in this. Nike is a corporation that gave rise to the grave problem of child labor in a number of Asian countries, with reported instances of management beating and/or molesting workers. It is highly doubtful that Shibuya-ku has undergone democratic processes so as to adequately reflect the will of ward residents with regard to this plan.

Please speak out with us. Please add your name to our statement to show your support.

* Please add your name to our statement.

Persons wishing to add their names to our statement should send fax or email (given below) as soon as possible with: your individual name or the name of your organization, and whether you wish to remain anonymous or not. Please understand that names that are not anonymous may be publicly viewable when the petition is distributed or posted to the internet. Persons opting for anonymity will be represented in documentation only by their total number.

The Coalition to Protect Miyashita Park from Becoming Nike Park
FAX: +81-3-3406-5254?Email: miyashita@riseup.net

* Please speak out against Nike Corporation and Shibuya ward.

1)Nike Japan
TEL:+81-3-5463-3300 (9:00 am-5:00 pm,Monday-Friday)
0120-500-719?only domestic call, 9:00 am-5:00 pm,Monday-Friday
FAX: +81-3-5463-3295

2)Nike Corporation (USA, World Headquarters)
TEL: +1-503-671-6453?7:30 am – 5:30 pm PST, Monday through Friday

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Ten Years after Seattle: One Strategy, Better Two, for the Movement Against War & Capitalism

by Franco “Bifo” Berardi

A moral rebellion began in Seattle in November 1999: after the act of disruption of the WTO summit millions of people all over the world declared that capitalist globalization causes social and environmental devastation. For two years the global movement produced an effective process of critique of neoliberal policies, giving way to the hope of a radical change.

Then, after the G8 summit in Genoa, the global narrative changed, and war took center stage. The movement did cease its actions, but its efficacy was reduced to zero. It failed to spread in the daily life of world society. It failed to give birth to a process of self-organization of techno-scientific labor.

Ten years after Seattle we have to invent a new strategy for the movement, starting from the consciousness that the prevailing form of the global power today is war, and that a military dictatorship is taking shape in the world.

Neoliberal policy destroyed the very idea of a public sphere in the field of the economy and in the field of the media. It has privatized every single fragment of production, communication, language and affection. Competition has taken the place of solidarity in every aspect of life, and crime has become the prevailing form of economic relationships.

Global war is the natural completion of this criminal mutation of the capitalist mode of production.

And the systematic devastation of the physical and psychic environment is the natural effect of this mutation.

The victory of Barack Obama has opened a window. But you see the paradox of the present situation. The United States of America has lost its military hegemony because religious fanaticism, Islamic fundamentalism, resurgent Russian nationalism and terror are strategically prevailing in the Euro-Asian mainland. From Afghanistan to Pakistan, Iraq to Iran and Libya, from the Caucasus to Ukraine, Western hegemony is definitely losing ground.

In addition, the financial crisis has given way to a breakdown of the American power and the spreading recession and inflation are carrying turmoil and distrust in the Western societies.

In the decade of the Clinton presidency it was possible to speak (although never really convincingly) of an American Empire. After the beginning of the infinite war those thinkers who believed in the existence of an American Empire argued that the Bush politics was a coup d’état inside the Empire. If so, we must say that the coup d’état has obtained its goal. Bush and the warmongers have lost their wars (the Iraq war is a complete failure, the Afghanistan is a never ending defeat, and a war in Iran will never be won). Nevertheless, they won their war for more oil profits and for more military expenses, and worse, they won their war against peace and humanity.

Nowadays, when the White House is occupied by a president of a more genuinely democratic culture, the American Empire is falling apart, and chaos is the only emperor of the world.

What can be done in such a landscape? What strategy can be elaborated by the movement of women and men who are looking for peace and for justice?

No hope is in sight as the criminal turn of capitalism is producing irreversible effects in the culture and in the behaviour of the planetary society.

One third of mankind is in danger of death: famine is spreading as never before. The energy crisis is fuelling aggression and inflation.

One third of mankind is working in conditions bordering on slavery and people are doomed to accept the blackmail of precarity and exploitation.

One third of mankind is armed to the teeth in order to defend their life standard against the army of migrants who are pushing at the borders.

We have to prepare to a long phase of barbarization and of violence.

We have to create a safe haven for the small minority of the world population that wants to save the heritage of humanist civilisation and the potentialities of the General Intellect, that are in serious danger of unredeemable militarisation.

The age that we have entered during the first decade of the century is quite similar to the so-called European Middle Age. While the territory was ravaged by invasions, and the legacy of ancient civilization was being destroyed, groups of monks saved the memory of the past, and the seeds of a possible future.

We cannot know if the present barbarian age is going to last for decades or for centuries, nor we can say if the physical environment of the planet will survive the present criminal-capitalist devastation.

But we certainly know that we have not the weapons to face the destroyers, so we have to save ourselves, and the possibility of the future.

Just one strategy is not enough, when things are so unpredictable as they are in the present times.

We cannot say what the consequences will be of the American loss of hegemony, nor the developments of the war from Pakistan to Gaza strip. And we cannot imagine what kind of effects will produce the low intensity ethnic civil war which is been waged in Europe, and which kind of explosions may follow the inflationary recession which is ravaging the economy of the western workers.

We have to be prepared to the prospect of a long period of monastic withdrawal, but also to the prospect of a sudden reversal of the global political landscape. Imagine the revolt of the Chinese workers against national-communist capitalism, the explosion of open ethnic warfare in the European society, the breakdown of the US military unable to face a fresh wave of terrorism fuelled by Afghan and Pakistanis wars, the apocalyptic collapse of the eco-systems in some important areas of the planet. These scenarios are perfectly realistic in the near future, and they could produce a dramatic change in the political mood of the majority of the world population. We have to be prepared for this, we have to prepare the narration for such a reversal, and we have to create the happy example of an other style of life, one that is not based on consumerism, growth, and competition.

Our central task in the next future should be in my opinion the redefinition of the very idea of well being, of wealth and of happiness.

Our task will be the creation of monasteries where frugal wellbeing is experimented. Critique of the naturalisation of the paradigm of growth, cultural elaboration of a new paradigm based on the abandonment of the obsession of growth, aimed to frugality, culture-intensive production, solidarity, and laziness, and refusal of competition.

Capitalism has identified wellbeing and accumulation, happiness with consumerism and richness with the destruction of natural and psychic resources.

We have to become the example of a life style where wellbeing is joined with frugality, happiness is joined with generosity, and production is joined with laziness.

Richness has nothing to do with compulsive consumption and obsessive accumulation. Richness is the pleasure of being, and the enjoyment of time.

Via Interactivist

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Violence Against Anti-mining Protesters in El Salvador

by Jason Wallach

A wave of violence targeted at anti-mining protesters has ripped through Cabañas in north-eastern El Salvador, and Pacific Rim Mining Corporation, the mid-size Canadian company which has lost millions in its effort to exploit the area’s ample gold deposits has remained curiously silent on the attacks.

Last month, Marcelo Rivera, a prominent anti-mining activist, community leader and FMLN member was forcibly disappeared by unknown assailants. Though many organizations immediately denounced his disappearance, police failed to act quickly enough to alter his fate. Rivera’s disfigured body was found dumped in a well two weeks after he was last seen alive.

Rivera was well-known in Cabañas. He headed a local community center and founded Amigos of San Isidro, an organization that formed part of the main coalition of groups that opposed the re-opening of the El Dorado mine, where Pacific Rim intends to set up shop. According to the Salvadoran daily, Diario Co-latino, Rivera’s funeral was attended by hundreds of “children, youth and elders…all crying at the same time.”

“He fought against the mining threat from the perspective of a teacher, a cultural promoter, a director of a community organization, and as a political leader”, says Francisco Piñeda, a local environmentalist, also quoted in Co-latino.

Instead of merely sending a signal, Rivera’s murder has marked the start of an open season against anyone openly opposed to the El Dorado mine. On Monday July 28, parish priest Father Luis Quintanilla was traveling from Victoria to Sensuntepeque after his weekly radio broadcast when his vehicle was forcibly pulled over by three men wearing ski masks. According to published video testimony, Quintanilla and narrowly escaped under a nearby fence after his assailants were distracted by Quintanilla’s own inadvertently (or not?) triggered car alarm.

Before the roadside assault, Quintanilla had already been the target of threats. The priest had received a volley of cell phone text messages, one of which read: “Extermination: you’ve been warned to stop f**king around. You better shut your mouths if you don’t want us to shut them once and for all.” Another said:”Extermination > you mother-f**kers better stop stirring people up if you don’t want to end up like Marcelo. We’ve got eyes on you.”

Last week, the government’s Human Rights Ombudsman, Oscar Luna, held a special press conference to denouce threats made against three reporters at Radio Victoria, a community-based radio station out of Cuidad Victoria. News gatherers Ludwin Iraheta, José Beltrán, and Vladimir Ayala, ages 17,18, and 20 years old respectively, received messages over the course of the past month stating, “you’re on the list,”and “you’ll be next.” The most threatenening stated, “Be careful, because they spoke too much in San Isidro,” a direct reference to the Rivera assassination.

The Radio Victoria staff have been among the most prominent voices to denounce the proposed gold mine plans, and they were the first to denounce their friend Marcelo’s disappearance. After his death, they are calling for a full investigation.

Rivera’s assassination, the assault on Father Quintanilla and the ongoing threats accent a already tense climate in a place which saw voting suspended in San Isidro during January’s legislative election after allegations emerged that Mayor José Ignacio Bautista from the ARENA party was contracting voters across the nearby border with Honduras to stack the polls in his favor. When a re-vote was held a week later, Bautista won. Rumors of fraud fell to a murmur in this isolated rural town of 10,000, but open scars remained in the wake of the election battle.

Mining Rights, Mining Wrongs

The prospect of re-initiating gold mining-as-economic-development-strategy in El Salvador has stirred passions on both sides of the debate. Mining advocates mostly hail from the ARENA and PCN political parties—heirs of the deathsquad-sponsoring governments of the 1980’s. The two parties rule 100% of the Mayor’s offices and Municipal Councils in the Cabañas Department. Together, they carry big sticks in the national Legislative Assembly, where PCN deputies have been the chief sponsors of revamping the El Salvador’s relatively restrictive mining laws. Ex-President Francisco Flores’s environmental ministry issued a series of exploration permits to two gold mining companies in 1996—the first such permits to be issued in decades.

But last year, cracks in ARENA’s traditional rural power base emerged when ranchers in Cabañas noticed that the plentiful springs they used to water crops and livestock were mysteriously drying up. Upon investigation, ranchers found what local people long had suspected: the exploratory drill holes utilized by Pacific Rim to estimate gold deposits were re-channeling underground streams and drastically impacting the aquifer. Under its exploration permit issued by the Saca government, Pacific Rim drilled hundreds of holes, each one carefully documented by the company itself, with meticulous data made available for stockholders (and anyone else) to see on its website. This, aghast residents asked, and the company hasn’t even begun mining?

The movement opposed to Pacific Rim’s presence in Cabañas had been active since 2005, but as the truth about exploratory holes began to ripple through Cabañas, participation in anti-mining events burgeoned. Residents became active through a combination of community and faith-based organizing. They spoke about the impacts of the holes, and explained the dangers of cyanide leach mining on the water table. The leap was not a hard one to make for folks who had already seen their water disappear. Soon, the conservative Archbishop of San Salvador, Fernando Saenz Lacalle, was declaring, “Not one drop of cyanide should enter El Salvador.”

“”We are a very small and densely populated country that has already suffered enough.”

In response, Pacific Rim attempted to buy public support—or at least quell resistance with a PR campaign touting the virtues of “Minería verde,” or “green mining” campaign touted the benefits of mining projects on local development. Worried about the potential effectiveness of such a campaign, the National Roundtable Against Metallic Mining was born.

Word crawled up the political ladder, and ex-President Tony Saca and the ARENA leadership were caught in a bind. Behind in the polls to a charismatic TV host named Mauricio Funes and facing the most contentious election in 25 years, a virtual mutiny was taking place in ARENA circles. The party’s leadership was forced to decide between issuing mining permits to Pacific Rim and risking a fissure in its well-oiled Cabañas electoral machine. The other option was to abandon the party’s traditional pro-business stance and suture the ecological and political wounds inflicted by Pacific Rim to preserve the possibility of electoral victory.

Saca banked on the electoral victory. One week before the election he announced that no new excavation permits would be offered to Pacific Rim. (Note: late enough in the campaign that no offended donor could recoup any donations…)

Amid rumors that Pacific Rim would sue El Salvador under foreign investor protection rules outlined in the Central American Free Trade Agreement, Saca responded soundly: “I would rather pay the $90 million than issue the permit.” (A defeatist attitude, considering that no suit had yet been filed. Meanwhile, the San Salvador-based Center for Trade and Investment Research, CEICOM, declared that the government had the evidence to defeat any case brought against it, and that win or lose no payment should be made.)

Saca’s new found role as bulwark against foreign corporate intrusion and defender of the public interest may have surprised some who had followed his politics during the course of his five year term. After all, Saca’s own 2004 campaign was predicated on reaping the benefits of international investment that CAFTA would rain on El Salvador. But Saca’s turnaround on mining only highlights the severity of the political crisis he and the rest of ARENA faced (and still face) in Cabañas generally and San Isidro specifically.

Pacific Rim, for its part, has been facing its own crisis before and since the election. Much of the company’s business model was built around the promise of return on its El Dorado holdings. With public opinion, the Catholic Church, and the current government opposed to El Dorado, the company is now banking on a $77 million dollar arbitration claim in the CAFTA courts. The company recently announced its third straight loss year. Its shares on the NYSE are trading at 22 cents. Pacific Rim liquidated its holdings in another mine to gain cash. The company’s FY2009 report glibly revealed that the COO and CEO have been released. The President and CEO have taken large pay decreases.

The Current Wave of Violence

With the election firmly in rearview, mining advocates in Cabañas have little incentive for good behavior. The current wave of violence and politically motivated assassination is equivalent to a form of social cleansing—an extra-judicial form of exterminating the political enemies of Cabañas’s ruling elite. It is unclear what role Pacific Rim has had in the recent wave of violence, but the company’s curious silence and it’s refusal to denounce violence against anti-mining activists has led people in Cabañas to wonder whether the company, in addition to its arbitration suit, is not also seeking other forms of retaliation.

“We want a professional investigation. These [perpetrators] are people paid for by those in power and economic interests like Pacific Rim are present,” said Elín Jordan, a member of the Community-radio Network, ARPAS.

Via Upside Down World

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Of Tea-Parties and Patriots: Liberty for Who?

by Dave Strano

As town hall meetings on health care become the targets for disruptive protest and a growing “pro-liberty” movement gains traction and headlines, a full analysis of the situations we are facing as white working class people and an analysis of the strategies of the new “pro-liberty” movement is necessary.

I am authoring this piece as a white working class male that comes from a military family background, and identifies to some extent as being a libertarian. This description of myself is important as it helps color the perspective I am writing from, as any differences in my background, race, or socio-economic status would ultimately change the entire nature of this essay.

This piece is also mainly directed at white working class people that are active within this new movement. The reasons for this are many, as will become obvious as this piece progresses.

On race…

The Liberty Movement resembles the broader Libertarian Movement in a myriad of ways. One of these ways is in racial composition. To be plain and up front, the U.S. Right is mostly comprised of white people. These giant Tea Parties, our demonstrations and meetings are seas of white faces, with small sprinklings of nonwhite faces.

Whiteness is defined in many different ways by many different people. To many, Jews are not white. Up until the mid 1900’s, white skinned people of Irish and Italian descent were not considered white. Some folks still think this way.

I identify, for the benefit of this essay, a white person as any person with pale skin pigmentation that would commonly pass as white in this society. We don’t need to break this down any further. We know whether we’re white or not.

Most whites immediately become defensive when the word race is even brought up. We don’t want to admit we think in these terms. We don’t want to admit that race has anything to do with our lives or what’s going on in this country. We’d rather pretend it doesn’t exist and not talk about it.

We can act like Ostriches all we want. It doesn’t change that our movement is nearly completely white. Let’s admit that, understand that, and move on to understanding what that means for us.

On class…

When people bring up the term “class”, many white working people start to snicker. The calls of “leftist” or “socialist” or “pinko” come to the lips of many at the mere indication that someone may be conscious of class in America. Despite this tendency, especially within the ranks of poor and working whites, most white working people naturally view the world in terms of class, whether they’d admit it or not.

Our realities are shaped by where we stand socially, economically, and politically. The vast majority of whites, like people of all other races, live in precarious social, political, and economic realities. We live paycheck to paycheck. We live off over-extended credit. We live in debt. We don’t own much, if at all, in real estate. We live in stressful situations, where if one part of the chain breaks, we lose everything. Our very existence is one of insecurity and economic disaster.

Most people in the middle and upper classes of white society try to stifle this talk amongst us in the working or lower classes. Political, social, and church leaders try to erase the class line. But for those of us going home at night to trailers, slumlord owned apartments, or dilapidated houses, we tend to not forget the large suburban homes and mansions that these leaders sleep in.

Class exists. Just like race, we can’t make it go away by ignoring it. But why would we even want to ignore it? Our situation as working whites boils down directly to the idea of class.

Our class interests…

I start with the idea that most white working class people want similar things. We, as most people do, want security, freedom, prosperity, comfort, and safety. We don’t want to have to worry about where our next meal is coming from, how we’re going to be able to afford school supplies for our children, or whether or not we will fall victims to a “terrorist” attack. We don’t want to constantly fear losing our jobs or living the rest of our lives in precarious economic situations.

We now live in a country with a huge division between rich and poor. We live with a failed economy. We live in a nearly failed state. The government of the United States has systemically become a monstrous giant of bureaucrats and neo-tyrants. The whole government, every single politician, is part of this corrupt system.

Back home, in our communities, both rural and urban, we are losing our jobs. We are watching our sons and daughters, brothers and sisters, dying in deserts and mountains halfway across the world. Our police forces are growing larger, just as our prison populations. We, as working people, are losing everything.

But, there may still be hope for us. White working class people are starting to organize on a national level for what we believe are our interests as a class, as physically manifested with the wave of “Tea Parties” and protests against what many feel to be an impending socialist nightmare in Washington, D.C.

Thousands have mobilized in past months to send clear messages to the politicians in charge of this mess that we won’t take it anymore. And now, we’re mobilizing to shut down what many see as a socialist attempt to take away our health care options and build even more government power.

But what do these mobilizations really mean? And what have we gained by disruptively protesting these town hall meetings on health care reform? Are we gaining ground? Or are we merely paving the way for further future losses?

Liberty

Typically, political scientists have defined the concept of liberty as a political idea that identifies that a person has the right to act according to their own will and desires. This is how many Americans would like to think about liberty.

At Tea Parties, political meetings, and other gatherings, most white working people keep this image of liberty, of true freedom, deep in their hearts. It tends to motivate how we view the rest of the world and our relationship to it. We see liberty manifested here in the U.S., and the founders of this country dying to ensure it existed.

The other liberty…

Let’s be clear, however about the concept of liberty. We’ve all been duped, plainly and simply. On this land, the concept of liberty as defined in the previous context has never existed. In fact, we’ve had the wool pulled over our eyes so tightly, that we can’t even see how the word has changed meaning and been used against us.

Historically, because of the conditions in the United States, the concept of liberty in this country has taken on a much different connotation than the one previously stated. Liberty, in the United States, has become synonymous with the protection of rights to own property.

To many within the white working class, this doesn’t seem like a contradiction. Part of being able to determine our own wills and act in true freedom is being able to own property. We define freedom by the ability to own objects, to own land, to own cars, to own firearms. And we defend this right to own private property to the death.

However, the right to own property is the right that allows for the rich and elites to own everything that we produce. The right to property has become the legal and social basis for the rise in power of those that directly exploit us. Because it’s a protected right to own water resources, because it’s a protected right to own land that you will never live on or work on your own, because it’s a protected right to own a house and price gouge your tenants for rent, because it’s a protected right to own a business and pay your workers next to nothing, because we as white working people have helped protect these rights, we’ve laid the foundation for our own misery.

The concepts of freedom and private property, then, are at direct odds with each other. How can we be free when a corporation owns the rights to our water? How can we be free when a bank owns the land that our houses sit on? How can we be free when all of our food is owned by a field boss? How can freedom exist when a small minority own the very means of our survival?

We’ve become casualties of this way of thinking for centuries. The idea that property protection and liberty are one and the same has allowed for the rich, the political and economic elite, to swindle the rest of us.

In the name of freedom and liberty, we protect the right of 5% of the residents of this country to maintain ownership over 90% of the property and means of survival in this country. Modern liberty has become the freedom to starve, the freedom to lose our jobs without notice, and the freedom to have a bank take back its property from underneath us.

While the rich in this country pillage our paychecks, destroy our retirement funds, and take away our livelihoods, we gladly hand our resources to them. After all, liberty doesn’t exist without the protection of these rich people to own that property. They have the right to even own us, in fact.

By its very nature, the concept of private property has destroyed us and allowed the rich to ride all over us.

And it’s this thinking that has created and shaped our current “Liberty” Movement.

The Liberty Movement

The Liberty Movement, this new manifestation of centuries old U.S. patriotism, has spread across the country like a wild fire. Tea Parties, large mobilizations denouncing a rising “socialism” in this country, were held in cities across the U.S. in the Spring and early Summer.

New organizations on college campuses and within communities have sprung up to continue the organizing efforts. The main enemy is President Barack Obama. His policies resemble a socialist attack on the American way of life, and they must be stopped.

Led mostly by rich politically ambitious organizers these rallies have brought together thousands of mostly white working class participants to start to fight back against this onslaught from the left.
However, many contradictions appear within this framework. Thousands of white working people, people who rely on foodstamps, unemployment payments, and even welfare checks, fill the ranks at demonstrations calling for an end to social services. White working people, full of fear about socialism and an attack on “liberty” (in this case, an attack on the property rights of the rich) turn against their own interests and sell out their own needs to fight the new socialism.

The unpleasant reality for working class and poor people who have participated and still participate in this new movement, is that we’re being used by these rich leaders within the movement to protect their interests, not ours. But that’s nothing new.

A history of playing for the wrong team

The history of the white working class has been a history of being an exploited people. However, we’ve been an exploited people that further exploits other exploited people. While we’ve been living in tenements and slums for centuries, we’ve also been used by the rich to attack our neighbors, co-workers, and friends of different colors, religions, and nationalities.

Since the colonization of the Americas in the late 1400’s, white working people have been the footsoldiers of political and economic elites seeking to dominate and control land, resources, and wealth, all at our own expense.

We have enlisted in armies to slaughter indigenous peoples. We’ve been slave catchers to trap and enslave Africans. We’ve been police officers to terrorize communities of color. We’ve been prison guards to keep other working people locked up. We’ve been settlers, occupiers, colonizers, and conquerors. These roles have done very little to benefit us, on the whole. We’ve been used to benefit a small minority of politicians, bosses, and aristocrats.

The blunt reality is that for the last five hundred years on this continent, white working class people have been used by mostly white rich people to colonize for, kill for, work for, and then better the living standards of those same white rich people, all the while sacrificing our own needs, wants, aspirations, and even lives. It really is as simple as that. No one denies the history of what has happened at working people’s expenses. Wars, poverty, homelessness, wage slavery… these are all ills created by someone, and perpetuated by us… the same workers who suffer these ills.

For some five centuries we’ve been used by the rich among our own race to promote their agenda and suffered because of it. Yet, somehow, we’ve still been convinced that it is in our interests to protect the rights of the rich to own as much property as they can, to protect the right of the rich to even exist, to protect these same rich people who would just as soon see us die for their benefit.

The heart of the matter is that for these five centuries, we’ve been too busy fighting the people who should naturally be our allies against these injustices. The rich whites have used our skin color against us, have used our human nature of fearing living beings different than us against us… they’ve used us against us. They’ve blinded us with these racialist ideas of “white supremacy” and “white pride” and “white nationalism” into fighting other working people of other races, while they sit on the sideline and laugh.

The New Liberty Movement plays directly into this situation, and turns us, as white working class people, against our natural interests as working class people, and against our natural allies. We’re still being used by rich whites to advance their causes, and lose everything that we desire and need.

Of socialism and healthcare

Let’s be plain. Obama is not a socialist. His reforms and the reforms of other politicians are not socialist. They’re not even radical. They’re truly reformist. And they’re truly state-capitalist.

Obama’s policies have not threatened the power structures of this country in anyway. The rich will stay rich. The poor will stay poor. Property will still be just as protected as it is now. Wars will still be waged on multiple continents. The systemic inequities that have created a mess for all working people will still exist.

But while these reforms, like public option healthcare, are not radical and do not fundamentally change any power relationships in this country, they still remain important bread and butter survival policies for poor and working people.

Just like people of all races and backgrounds, most white working and poor people have no healthcare. We’ve seen it disappear. We don’t have access to medical care when we need it. While national healthcare is not the answer to all of our problems, and shouldn’t be our ultimate end goal, it is a short term fix that we, as working class people, could probably use.

However, the red flag of socialism has been waved in front of our faces. We can’t see anything but the closet communist Obama taunting us and attacking our very way of life with these reforms.

And it’s this mentality that divides us from nonwhite working people even more. The vast majority of nonwhite working people are in support of this healthcare reform. They are in support of social service spending. They are in support of legislation that affects their survival as working class people.

We’re divided in a way that is fairly predictable. White working class people, people who have been bought off by the rich, would rather protect property rights that are used against us and our interests than work for healthcare and social services that we don’t like to admit that we utilize and need.

In our class based, capitalist society, white working class people protect property, while nonwhite working people struggle for social services necessary for survival. And thus, we as white working people play for the wrong team. And in the end, everyone besides the rich and the politicians ends up losing.

Let’s be honest. I don’t want the government to control healthcare. But I also don’t want to live in a property based society where I’m denied healthcare because I don’t make enough money. Until we get rid of that property based economic relationship, then I’ll gladly take social services from the state, just to level the playing field a bit between me and the rich boss that steals money from my paycheck, or the rich politician who guts money from our schools to fund occupations of other countries that benefit corporations he owns stock in.

Migrants and other scapegoats

Perhaps the most glaring example of how white working people are playing for the wrong team, and how the new Liberty Movement actively works against the liberty of all people, especially nonwhite people, is the role that the movement plays within the debate on immigration.

One of the attacks leveled at the government by the Liberty Movement is the government’s failure to secure the border. The white populist logic of the movement becomes quite clear at these times.

We have bought into the ridiculous notion that mostly brown skinned immigrants from Mexico or other countries are our enemy, that they are somehow stealing our jobs, that they somehow really threaten us. Let’s get real. Who’s really stealing our jobs?

Even with a generous estimate of the number of illegal immigrants working in the U.S. at 6 million (notice I said working, not living), this stands in stark contrast to the conservative estimate that nearly 50 million jobs will have been lost to outsourcing by 2015 since NAFTA came into affect in 1994. Well, let’s ask ourselves, who’s really stealing our jobs? Poor Mexicans? Or Rich White CEOs?

Leaders of the new Liberty Movement feed us ridiculous ideas of the “invading” brown hordes, and the rich whites that make up the upper echelons of organizations like the Minutemen and other similar groups salivate over our reactions. If we’re busy fighting the Mexicans at the border, and busy trying to round up all the “illegals” then we’re too busy to fight that real enemy, that one that keeps eluding us, the rich and political elite.

Most of us that keep falling for these lines initially might mean well. Heck, we only want to defend our families and our communities… but in reality, we’re weakening them even more, by fighting our real potential allies and diverting our attention from the real enemy.

And why are all these brown skinned immigrants coming here in the first place? Why is there this sudden rush in the last thirteen years to get into this country? 80% of all illegal immigrants have entered since 1994. Why is that? What happened in 1994 that affected working people in Mexico just as it affected us? The passage of NAFTA, a free trade program that benefits nobody but the rich people on both sides of the border!

The new Liberty Movement defends the liberty of rich people to own property, while attacking the liberty of movement of brown working class people. The new Liberty Movement doesn’t protect liberty, it actively attacks it and defends a system that makes liberty for all people impossible.

We’re failing and being used

The new Liberty Movement is not a failure. It’s highly successful for accomplishing what the leaders of this movement want. If our interests as white working class people mirror those of other working people, the interests of the rich and political elite within our own movement mirror those of the rich and political elite within the government. The leaders of our own movement seek to keep the infighting amongst working people of all backgrounds and colors alive. Again, if we’re too busy fighting each other, then we can’t fight them.

We as white working class people are being used at these mobilizations. We’re fulfilling our old role of being foot soldiers for the political elite, for keeping other poor and working people in line. We’ve blinded ourselves again.

How else can we explain the willingness of hundreds of people without healthcare to actively work against legislation that would provide them with that healthcare?

And the worst part is, we don’t really gain anything from this situation. We’re failing ourselves. All of our work within the New Liberty movement, all of our energy, money, and talents are going to reinforce the same predatory economic, political, and social systems that keep us, as white working people, exploited and living in misery as well.

Our allegiances to these leaders, to people like Ron Paul, to people like Alex Jones, our acceptance of their white populist talk, our willingness to attack migrants, to disrupt attempts to provide healthcare to working class people, our willingness to cling to these ideas of the “other” liberty, the protection of property and not of people, are the biggest reasons that we are doomed to continue to live this way. We will continue to live paycheck to paycheck (at least those of us that have jobs) and in constant fear of eviction or foreclosure. We will continue to have to choose between new schoolbooks for our kids or dinner for the whole family. We will continue to see our retirement funds looted, our world destroyed, and our family members being killed in wars. And we will continue to not be able to do anything about it, unless we change our strategy and direction.

Moving forward

If we as white working people envision a world of safe, free, and economically secure communities, then we must act now. We have to start to identify our allegiances to that of our class, and not our race. We must create a revolutionary white identity that can actively work against all forms of domination that ensure that we will never enjoy true liberty.

Migrants and blacks are not our enemies. White rich people are not our friends. We must reverse this paradigm and start to work alongside movements of nonwhite working people against all predatory political, economic, and social systems. This means not just working against the state, but also working against capitalism. The state and capitalism are two faces of the same coin, a coin that must be thrown away.

We also must work actively against white supremacy in all its incarnations. Our future depends on this. If we as white working people want to enjoy freedom, then we must not be used by the rich to deny it to others and ourselves. The more we act as footsoldiers for the rich, the more we ensure that our freedom is also unattainable.

Historically, we as white working people have seen our allegiance become an allegiance to whiteness, to being white. We can relate to other white people, no matter how poor or rich. They’re white like us, and that’s something we can identify with, come to terms with. So of course, our natural enemies become nonwhite peoples.

The only problem with this idea is that we’ve had it wrong for centuries. We’ve been kept blind to the true nature of what is afoot here, as to what’s really going on. Look around us. Who fills the trailer parks with us? Who works in the factories or fast food restaurants with us? Who is beside us working in the fields, picking produce that we’ll never really be able to afford? Is it rich people, especially rich white people? Hell no, it isn’t. It’s brown people, black people, yellow people. It’s people who have different shades of skin than us. They are the people that are in similar situations to us, living paycheck to paycheck, suffering like we do. So why then would we view them as our enemy?

Allegiances, traditionally, are made amongst people who have common interests. In an historical sense, white skinned working people have overwhelmingly believed that our interests are based on skin color. We have to work for the betterment of the race, for our culture, for our identity. The truth, however, could never be further away. Whose interests do these beliefs really serve? White workers? In some sense, the answer may be “yes”. Working for the advancement of the white race at the cost of other races does buy us relative privileges and even some luxuries. In the end, however, we’re still poor, we’re still being used to make other people money. And those people aren’t non-white working people.

We have a stake in creating a new social paradigm and movement that goes beyond the idea of liberty being a protection for property ownership. We have a direct interest in fighting white supremacy, the state, and capitalism. Our freedom is intimately woven into the freedom of all working people. Until we are free as a working class, we will never be free as individuals, no matter what skin color we are.

I don’t want to end on an abstract note. I want to end with a couple concrete steps that white working class people can take to work to build a movement for real liberty.

  1. Actively work against groups like the Minutemen, the Klan, the Christian Identity Movement, and others that seek to divide us as working class people from other working class people based on their race, gender, sexuality, nationality or religion. These people are class traitors and ensure that we will never see freedom for ourselves or our families, as they keep us fighting other working class people and not the real enemy: the rich. Disrupt their attempts to organize and to recruit. Make it known they are not welcome at gun shows or other events where you are present. Not joining their organizations isn’t enough, we must actively stop them from organizing at all.
  2. Actively work against leaders of the New Liberty movement that organize against nonwhite working class people. Alex Jones, Ron Paul, David Duke, and others are trying to ensure that we will turn on migrants and other people of color rather than turn on rich people, most of whom happen to be white.
  3. Organize debtor’s unions and tenants unions in your neighborhood. We must come together with our neighbors to defend each other from foreclosures and evictions. Create networks of people in your neighborhood that can show up and help defend each other and prevent evictions.
  4. Refuse to pay any debts you have and organize rent strikes. Don’t pay your hospital bills, your credit card bills, or any other debts you have. Don’t give these people that have been exploiting us any more of your money.
  5. Support GI resistance to war and occupation. Many working class people are refusing orders to deploy, and resisting the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan in other ways. Lend them your support at couragetoresist.org
  6. Don’t join the military, help prevent your family members from joining the military. This institution has robbed too many working people of their lives by convincing them it’s their patriotic duty. We must stop falling for this line, and fight for our class, not for the political elites.
  7. Follow the examples of other working class people and occupy your workplace if threatened with layoffs or terminations. There have been occupations of workplaces in the U.S. and across other countries as the economic crisis has broadened. These reclamations of workplaces have ended with workers receiving back and severance pay, and sometimes even preventing their workplaces from closing
  8. Organize with your neighbors to grow food for your communities. Don’t rely on the economic elites for your food any longer. Starting a personal garden is a good first step, but community gardens can provide more food for more people, and create important community ties and working relationships.
  9. Be ready to actively defend your neighborhoods, workplaces, and communities from the police and state forces. Take whatever measures you deem necessary to do so.
  10. Don’t get a job as a cop or prison guard. These jobs also reinforce racial divisions within our class, as well as create domestic armies to use against us when we do work toward our own power. Cops are not our friends. The police systemically exist to protect the rich and their property. Prison guards are not any better. Especially with the expansion of the war on drugs to include a war against Meth, many white working class people are finding themselves in prison and on the other side of the bars from their neighbors in guard’s uniforms.
  11. Do anything you can to take back resources from the rich. We’ll keep this suggestion intentionally vague. The rich have all the food, all the money, all the wealth, and all the power. Let’s take it back. Any way we can.

Via IAS

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Mobilize Now Against Bigots in NC

Close to the 30 year anniversary of the Greensboro Massacre, on August 29th, the National Socialist Movement will attempt to hold a regional conference in Greensboro, NC. As they are inviting white supremacists and fascists from all over the East Coast, North Carolina anti-racists are inviting anti-racists from all over the East Coast to join us in confronting them. We won’t take this lying down. On August 29th in Greensboro, NC the National Socialist Movement (Nazi Party) is planning (hoping?) to hold a regional conference. They have avoided making this announcement public until recently, it seems, to keep anti-racists from organizing a counter-response. The hotel where the conference is to be held has not been announced yet, but anti-racists from across the state are making plans and getting ready.

According to one white power website, white supremacists are being invited from PA, DE, MD, VA, WV, NC, SC, FL, AL and GA to the one-day event. According to white power websites, the conference will begin at 10am and end at 6pm, and will take place at a hotel somewhere in Greensboro.

The conference is, not coincidentally, to be held close to the 30-year anniversary of the Greensboro Massacre, where five anti-racist organizers were shot and killed by the Klan, with help from police and FBI. The choice of this date alone will surely help get TONS of pissed Greensboro folks out.

As there will be fascists from almost ten different states present, North Carolina anti-racists are inviting comrades from across the East Coast to join us in confronting white supremacists in Greensboro. Keeping these kinds of groups weak and disorganized is a key component in our larger fight to create a world without white supremacy. So tell your friends, take the day off work, and stay tuned.

It is typical for fascists to keep logistical details secret until the last minute to prevent disruption or confrontation. Nevertheless, more details will be made available as soon as possible.

In solidarity,
(some of the many) North Carolina Anti-Racists

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8/29 100 Blacks in Black for Mumia & All POWs

ALL OUT IN PHILLY ON 8/29 FOR 100 BLACKS FOR MUMIA AND ALL PRISONERS OF WAR

On August 29, people of color will convergence in North Philadelphia in a united militant force to declare freedom for ALL Prisoners of War and Political Prisoners. Community organizations of color are joining forces to bring the community together to recognize who our prisoners of war and political prisoners are in order to have social movements to free them all. We are building towards eliminating the barrier between the political organizers and general community members. We need you!

There will be tabling and flyering at an abandoned city lot. There will be outreach in the hood of Broad and Erie. There will be a rally with speakers from families of prisoners of war, former prisoners of war, survivors of police brutality and organizations of color working towards abolishing the prison industrial complex. There will be an unpermitted march. There will be autonomous actions.

WEAR BLACK!

When – Saturday, August 29, 2009
Where – Broad and Erie, North Philadelphia
Time – 12 PM – 4 PM

WEAR BLACK!

To APOC… come rep your colors. Come rep your local political prisoners. Come build a united front to free all prisoners of war and political prisoners.

Free the MOVE 9!
Free the New Jersey 4!
Free Mumia Abu-Jamal!
Free Russell Maroon Shoatz!
Free Leonard Peltier!
Free Oso Blanco!
Free Ramiro “Ramsey” Muniz!
Amnesty for Assata Shakur!

Free all Prisoners of War and Political Prisoners!

Participants: Autonomous/Anarchist People of Color of Philadelphia (APOC Philly), New Afrikan Liberation Front (NALF), Poor Righteous Party of the Black Nation, International Concerned Family and Friends of Mumia Abu-Jamal (ICFFMAJ), Philly Jericho Movement

*** If you are APOC and need travel funds assistance email : APOC-Philly@riseup.net ***

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Fight Whole Foods and CEO’s Health Care Fantasies

Whole Foods CEO John Mackey thinks many of the country’s health care problems are “self-inflicted” and are preventable through “proper diet, exercise, not smoking, minimal alcohol consumption and other healthy lifestyle choices.

Really Mackey? A proper diet is the answer to all our health problems? If that’s the case, then please open some stores in low-income communities. Why don’t you go to a corner store in South L.A or the South Bronx and try buy a balanced meal and then tell me how it’s all about personal responsibility.

In his op-ed, “The Whole Foods Alternative to ObamaCare,” published Tuesday, Mackey criticized President Barack Obama’s health care plan.

Mackey provided eight “reforms” he argued the U.S. can do to improve health care without increasing the deficit. He suggested that tax forms be revised to “make it easier for individuals to make a voluntary, tax-deductible donation to help the millions of people who have no insurance.” AlterNet really got to the gist of it, “the problem with Mackey’s campaign is that it results in the deaths of 60 Americans every day due to lack of health insurance. Mackey is responsible for these deaths as much as anyone.”

Via RaceWire

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Let Walter Currie Know He’s Not Alone

This week, Walter Currie, Jr. had to face the young man who doused him with gas and set him on fire for the first time since the attack took place June 13, 2009, in Poplar Bluff, Missouri.

The 16-year-old charged with the attack appeared in a preliminary juvenile court hearing August 5, 2009, presided over by Butler County’s Associate Circuit Judge John Bloodworth, who will decide if he will tried as an adult or a juvenile.

Winona Currie, Walter’s mother, seemed anxious as she and the family were getting ready for the hearing. Walter is 15 years old, and still has a youthful appearance. He smiles easily, but is soft spoken and shy. His face shows no signs of the attack, but heavy scarring and discoloration peak out from his collar and stretch up his neck.

“I’ve lived in Poplar Bluff all my life,” said Walter Currie Sr., Walter’s father, as the family prepared to leave for the courthouse. “But after this, I don’t know if I want to stay here.”

On June 13, 2009, Walter, who is African-American, was walking with his cousin on a street near downtown Poplar Bluff, a small city of about 17,000 residents in Southeast Missouri. After Walter exchanged a few words with his alleged assailant, who is also one of his classmates, the young man doused Walter with gasoline and set him on fire. A 16-year-old white youth carrying a lighter and a Gatorade bottle filled with gas was arrested at the scene and charged with the crime. The burn injuries to Walter’s stomach, chest, shoulders, and neck put him in the hospital for nine days, and he has had one skin graft surgery, so far.

The racial connotations of this case, and the legacy of lynchings where African Americans were burned to death, are still painfully present for many people. After reading reports from Kansas City and St. Louis on the case, we reached out to Walter’s family and learned how alone they’ve felt in coping with this tragedy. Our film crew decided to go to Poplar Bluff to meet Walter and his family, talk to local law enforcement, and join a group of Kansas City ministers traveling to the town to witness the hearing for Walter’s assailant.

Before the court proceeding, I met with Poplar Bluff Police Chief Danny Whiteley and his Deputy Chief Jeff Rolland. We talked about the Curries’ concern that the police were not adequately investigating the crime, and that the possible racial motivation for the attack was not in the police report. The local authorities told us they’ve found no evidence that the attack was racially motivated, but say that they are cooperating with the Department of Justice on its inquiries into the crime.

“We also sent everything we had to the FBI, so they could look it over,” said Deputy Chief Rolland.
“Our hands are tied on some of this because it is a juvenile case. We may be able to say more after this hearing, if the accused is tried as an adult,” Whiteley said.

According to the department leadership, the Poplar Bluff police department presented evidence to Butler County Prosecuting Attorney Kevin Barbour that would enable him to charge Walter’s attacker with first-degree assault, a Class A felony. If the accused is tried as an adult, such a felony in Missouri carries a minimum prison sentence of 10 years.

Before the court hearing, Chief Whiteley and Deputy Chief Rolland went to the Currie family’s home and drove Walter and the family to the courthouse.

MAKING THE CASE TO TRY WALTER’S ASSAILANT AS AN ADULT

“As preachers, as ministers, and as pastors, we wanted to lend whatever weight we could just by our presence,” said local Pastor Gregory Nichols, Walter’s uncle. “Young Walter needs to know that people care about what happened to him, and about what happens to him in the future as we move forward.”

The Butler-Ripley County Juvenile Office petitioned the court to have Walter’s attacker tried as an adult. The office’s representative, Drew Million, presented witnesses who indicated that if the nearly 17-year-old accused was tried as a juvenile, he would face a maximum sentence of one year and three months. The witnesses testified that the short period might not be enough time to “rehabilitate” the offender.

The defendant’s attorney, Danny Moore, a seasoned local litigator, argued that his client was acting in self-defense against Walter. The juvenile court officer indicated that the youth is accused of carrying a Gatorade bottle filled with gasoline, spraying it on Walter and then igniting him with a lighter.
Although Walter was the victim in this crime, the Currie family was forced to hire their own attorney. Almost a month after the attack, Walter was charged with assault based on an altercation that took place several days before he was set on fire.

Walter’s mother, the last witness called to testify, had a calm demeanor as she spoke about her son. While her answers to questions were brief, at one point, she wiped tears from her face as she spoke. She says that Walter will face multiple surgeries and treatments over the next several years and will be required to wear a burn vest. “Walter is so different since this happened,” she said. “He doesn’t want to be alone. He is jittery and he has a hard time being still. He cries out in the night.”
Judge Bloodworth accepted the defense attorney’s motion for a continuance. He will reconvene the hearing August 19, 2009, and hear final evidence then on whether to try Walter Currie’s accused assailant as an adult.

THE CURRIE FAMILY

Police Chief Whiteley said they have been working with a local clergy member who has consulted with the Department of Justice on similar cases. Preacher Bobby Dean says he believes that the crime against Walter was racially motivated, but that misinformation and rumors have to be dispelled in order to get to the truth. Dean reported that initially there was talk that more than one person was responsible for the attack on Walter. “Only one person set Walter on fire, and we don’t currently have evidence that racial epithets were used at the time of the attack,” he said.

Dean believes the manner of the attack hearkens back to an earlier time when lynching occurred not just in Southern Missouri, but also across the country.
“You think about this kind of thing happening in the early 1900s when lynching was a way of life — even the 1950s and 1960s,” says Dean. “But to fast forward, in this day and time, to know that a human being was doused with gas and set fire to, it was very shocking, very appalling.”

Surely, there are good citizens who must be shocked and appalled by what happened to Walter and would like to do something to show their support. Some local leaders report that the town is working at opening up interracial communication.

But until this Wednesday, Walter and his family say they have felt very alone. Winona Currie says she would like to see more public outcry about what happened to her son. And she would have welcomed other expressions of support: if someone had brought over food to the hospital in St. Louis where Walter was treated for his wounds, or even joined her as she sat beside Walter’s hospital bed. “It’s hard having a child injured in such a hateful way,” she says. “And to have him lay there in pain, and there’s nothing you can do but hurt with him, cry with him. Sometimes, you just need people to talk to.”

In the documentary Not In Our Town, union leader Randy Siemers tells us, “In Montana, when one of your neighbors is under attack, you run out there and protect them. Don’t they do that in other parts of the country?”

Sometimes people laugh when they hear this question in the film. It’s an uncomfortable laugh, because I think so many of us wish we could be the kind of neighbors we know we ought to be. I hope the Curries will soon find that their Poplar Bluff neighbors are there for them as Walter struggles to heal from the burning wounds caused by this crime.

Via New American Media

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Labor Group Probes Torture of Zimbabwe Union Leaders

A three-member team of International Labour Organisation (ILO) lawyers arrived in Zimbabwe on Wednesday to begin investigations into the alleged torture of Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Union (ZCTU) leaders in 2006, the labour union has said.

“The three distinguished lawyers appointed by the ILO on the basis of impartiality and knowledge of industrial relations and human rights are now in the country to investigate whether the there was any human rights violations when people where beaten for expressing themselves in 2006,” ZCTU president Lovemore Matombo told ZimOnline.

The lawyers, who are from South Africa and Mauritius, will mainly conduct interviews with ZCTU leaders, labour and workers rights activists assaulted by the police after they staged protests against deteriorating working and living conditions for workers.

The ILO lawyers are also expected to meet with the police, several government ministers, security agencies and labour leaders.

“They are going to meet several people but I can not go into the details of their work because it will be pre-judicial to do so,” said Matombo.

Several ZCTU leaders and activists incurred serious injuries including broken limbs while others are said have suffered some permanent disabilities.

Police however denied assaulting or torturing the ZCTU officials, insisting that the unionists were injured after they tried to jump off a moving police truck.

But lawyers representing the union leaders alleged at the time that their clients were tortured while in police detention at the notorious Matapi Police Station in Mbare.

Torture and other forms of inhuman punishment are illegal in Zimbabwe.

Western governments and local human rights groups condemned the torture of the ZCTU activists but President Robert Mugabe publicly backed the police for ill-treating the unionists who he accused of plotting to topple his government.

An ILO delegation visited the country early this year to access the situation of workers’ rights in Zimbabwe and urged the country to adhere to the international statutes on workers’ rights.
A report on Zimbabwe is to be presented at an ILO meeting in Geneva, Switzerland later this year. The report will encompass the findings of the three-man ILO investigating team.

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Demand Justice for Targeted Immigrant Worker

Ask anyone and they’ll tell you that Aizze was the best barista at the Snelling & Selby Starbucks in St. Paul, MN. She knew every regular’s drink and could make a latte in 28 seconds. She has 20 MUG awards for her job performance, and was never written up in her two years of service, nor was her till ever ‘over’ or ‘short.’ Her coworkers and customers loved her; they called her ‘Aizze’ (pronounced ‘Ozzie’), short for Azmera. This description is in the past tense because Starbucks wrongfully fired Aizze on July 8, 2009. Starbucks management accused her of theft, although they themselves ADMIT that they have no video or other evidence to support their accusation.

Adding insult to injury, Saint Paul District Manager Claire Gallagher took advantage of Aizze’s limited English abilities and bullied and manipulated her into signing a promissory note saying she would pay Starbucks the arbitrarily- determined amount of $1200. Acting through the notoriously anti-worker law firm Olonoff, Asen & Serebro,. LLP, Starbucks has since sent Aizze a letter threatening to send their baseless claim to a collections agency.

Azmera is not a thief. An immigrant from Ethiopia, Azmera has been a citizen of the U.S. for the past ten years. She has worked at Starbucks for the past two years. Together with her husband, a Taxi driver, Azmera is the proud mother of three young children. Aizze is an honest, deeply religious woman who loves her job and works hard to care for her family.

How did this happen?

On July 8, 2009, Aizze was told to sit in the back room at the end of her shift, alone with St. Paul District Manager Claire Gallagher. For almost two hours, she was not allowed to leave, and no other workers were allowed to enter. The DM made a conference call with “Partner & Asset Protection” Manager Chris Vanderhoof and together they began to interrogate Aizze. When Aizze informed her interrogators that she did not understand what they were saying, they just repeated the same words over and over. Aizze was not offered an interpreter. She was told that if she didn’t sign the promissory note, they would call the police and have her arrested. Thinking of her children, she signed the paper. Her interrogators told her flatly that they had no proof or video of her stealing money, yet they accused her of theft. Aizze never stole. If there was change someone didn’t want from a transaction, Aizze put it in the tip jar, but she never, ever stole.

Why Aizze?

We can only speculate on why Aizze was targeted, but one thing is clear: Starbucks thinks they can get away with victimizing her because she is an immigrant and a non-native English speaker.

What You Can Do To Help

We all have a responsibility to stand up for the most vulnerable amongst us. We will not sit idly by while Starbucks management victimizes one who has come to this country seeking a better life. We demand immediate reinstatement, the immediate nullification of the promissory note, and an apology to Aizze. Justice must be done for Aizze and all workers.

DEMAND JUSTICE

Call:

  • Regional Vice President SUMI GOSH at 312-342-8701
  • Regional Director DIMITRI HATZIGEORGIOU at 312-731-8909
  • St. Paul District Manager CLAIRE GALLAGHER at 651-260-5079

Via IWW

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Defend Organizer Arturo Velasquez: How You Can Help

On Wednesday August 5, tenants rights organizer Arturo Velasquez’ car was set on fire outside his home.

Arturo is a leading member of the Campaign for Renters Rights. He has been organizing tenants in his building for two years. He is popular with tenants for helping force the landlord, Alfredo Alverado, to make major repairs and considerably bettering the quality of the lives of his own family and all the tenants at his apartment building in his low income neighborhood in East Hollywood, Los Angeles.

After helping lead the campaign, the landlord spent a lot of money taking Arturo to court to attempt to evict his family. The landlord lost this eviction attempt. Again, this year the landlord attempted to take Arturo’s family to court on another charge. Once again, the courts sided with Arturo and his family. Last week the landlord turned down Arturo’s attempts to get them to enter into mediation. Two days later his car was set on fire.

Stop the Violence

Last year all of Arturo’s car tires were slashed. The community, his fellow tenants, and the Campaign for Renters Rights raised funds and paid for new tires. Local activists are attempting to get Councilman Garcetti’s office to force the police to properly investigate the situation.

The L.A. Fire Department have deemed that the car was burnt as the result of an incendiary attack and that the fire was arson.

Do not stand by and watch Arturo Velasquez and his family be intimidated by violence and allow that violence to escalate. This is a civil rights issue and needs to be addressed firmly.

What You Can Do

  1. RALLY with Arturo and the Campaign for Renters Rights at Councilman Garcetti’s Office,5500 Hollywood Blvd (@ N.Western Ave.) WEDNESDAY AUGUST 12th at 10am
  2. CALL Councilman Garcetti’s Office at (323) 478-9002 on Wednesday August 12th ask What are they doing about the Arson Attack on Arturo Velasquez?
  3. DONATE TO OUR DEFENSE FUND. Please send a check payable to the Campaign for Renters Rights to the following address: the Velasquez Family, 4225 1/4 Lockwoood Avenue, Los Angeles, 90029.

Campaign for Renters Rights
(510) 595-5545 National Office
(310) 323-0620 in L.A.

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