Posts Tagged africa

Mixed Verdict in S. African Lesbian’s Murder Trial

Paballo Thekso/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Supporters of Eudy Simelane danced in August outside the court where three men charged with her killing were to go on trial. One defendant was convicted Tuesday and two were acquitted.
Published: September 22, 2009

DELMAS, South Africa — Eudy Simelane was a 31-year-old lesbian activist and one of this nation’s best female soccer players, a tall, muscular woman who knew how to defend herself with her fists and her elbows. She could not have been easy to kill.

Before leaving her naked body face down in a drainage ditch, her murderers stabbed her nine times, said the doctor who performed the autopsy. Three of the deep cuts were in the upper inside of her thighs. Those wounds as well as the bruising at the entrance of her vagina led the doctor to conclude that the assailants had tried to rape her.

In February, one of the attackers, Thato Mpithi, 23, pleaded guilty to murder, implicating three other men before denying their involvement almost six months later. On Tuesday, in a courtroom here in Delmas, two of the men he named were acquitted for lack of evidence, though the judge, Ratha Mokgoathleng, warned that they might someday have to answer to God.

The other man on trial, Themba Mvubu, 24, had no reasonable explanation for his trousers’ being stained with Ms. Simelane’s blood. He received a life sentence but walked from the courtroom smiling, showing no contrition and telling a reporter, “Ach, I’m not sorry at all.” He disappeared down a stairway to a holding cell as some of Ms. Simelane’s friends shouted that they would prefer he be sliced into pieces.

Ms. Simelane, who was killed in April 2008, was one of 18,148 murder victims in the 12 months that ended in March. Tuesday was also the day the South African Police Service released its annual crime report. The data showed 339 fewer homicides than in the previous 12-month period, an improvement that still left this country of 49 million people with one of the world’s highest murder rates. At the same time, the number of reported sex crimes jumped to 70,514, up nearly 7,000. Burglaries of homes and businesses also increased sharply.

South Africans are obsessed with the violent crime in their midst, and earlier this month the new police minister, Nathi Mthethwa, tried to reassure them. “We are tired of waving nice documents like the Constitution” at criminals, he said, vowing instead to “meet the thugs head-on, and if it means we kill when we shoot them, so be it.”

The problem with such tough talk, gay and lesbian groups say, is that it often excludes crimes directed at them. They claim they are special targets of violence, and snickering, abusive police officers do little to protect them or pursue their complaints.

The Simelane case has been central to a campaign to bring attention to attacks against lesbians and gay men. But sexual orientation was never established as a motive at the trial. Judge Mokgoathleng was uncomfortable with the term lesbian itself. “Is there another word that you can use instead of that one?” he asked the prosecutor.

Ms. Simelane grew up in Kwa Thema, a township of small, modest homes southeast of Johannesburg. “There were three of us: Eudy, me and Zodwa,” said Pretty Makhalya, her closest friend. “Whatever we did was boyish. We were different, you could tell. We were athletes. We played with the boys but we had feelings for the girls.”

By high school, they better understood their sexuality, she said. They dressed butch, wearing pants and T-shirts, jockeys instead of panties. They dated other girls, preferring their partners “looking beautiful with makeup and everything.”

Kwa Thema was unusual among townships. Lesbians were quite open. Most boys their age were comfortable around them. “But there were also guys who’d say, ‘C’mon, we’ll teach you how to be a girl,’ ” Ms. Makhalya said. “They looked at us like we were crazy people, defying nature. Things would heat up. There’d be fights.

“And it wasn’t just some boys who hated us, we realized. Some churches were no-go areas. They wouldn’t let us in if we were wearing trousers.”

Ms. Simelane was one of the best-known people in Kwa Thema. People were wild about soccer, and she was good enough to make the national team, Banyana Banyana, competing internationally for a few years. She was a bar-hopper, not just hanging out at places like Savey’s and Hlubi’s that welcomed gay men and lesbians, but at other spots, too.

Her killers attacked her in the darkness as Ms. Simelane was walking home near an open field. Mr. Mpithi said that he did not know Ms. Simelane, and that robbery — not her identity as a lesbian — was the only motive for the attack. One of the other three men, Johannes Mahlangu, decided to rape Ms. Simelane because she was carrying no money, Mr. Mpithi said. As the sexual assault went on, Ms. Simelane recognized Mr. Mvubu. To save themselves from arrest, the men decided she had to be killed.

Mr. Mpithi, promising to testify against the others, was given a 32-year prison sentence. But when the trial began in July, he said he had become a born-again Christian and could no longer repeat his earlier lies. He then said that the other three defendants were not involved.

Without Mr. Mpithi’s incriminating testimony, the judge found only Mr. Mvubu, caught in the bloodstained pants, guilty. The other two defendants went free.

Khotso Simelane, Ms. Simelane’s father, watched them go, the shackles removed from their legs. He had observed the trial’s unfolding, a rail-thin retired bricklayer often burying his head in his hands.

“Those two should never come back to Kwa Thema,” he said. “Eudy was loved, and the mob will kill them for stealing the life of my daughter.”

A version of this article appeared in print on September 23, 2009, on page A8 of the New York edition.

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One dead, dozens injured as quarry workers in Egypt clash with police

Submitted by Ed on Jul 19 2009

A policeman died and dozens of people were injured when thousands of quarry workers and owners clashed with police in Egypt on Thursday.

The protesters marched into Al-Minya city, in the central province of Al-Minya 210 kilometers south of Cairo, and blocked a bridge spanning the Nile, to protest against a decision by the authorities to impose new duties on quarried rock, security sources said.

Police used teargas to disperse the crowd, but the protesters stoned police, injuring at least four officers, security sources said.

An official said that police fired tear gas at some 3,000 workers who were throwing stones. One policeman died, and accounts differed as to whether he was killed during the stoning or from exposure to teargas. Reports of the total number injured varied. Security sources said at least 17 riot police had been wounded, and more than 20 protesters were suffering the effects of teargas inhalation.

Police arrested some of the protesters. Estimates by security sources of how many ranged from five to close to 50. The southern city is almost quiet again, except for the intense security measures. Now, most of the main roads are blocked, especially a bridge spanning the Nile, where the clashes took place.

The prosecutor has charged detainees with rioting, murder, blocking the main road, and disruption of the traffic, and has called on the forensic team to decide on the autopsy of the dead policeman.

The website of the independent daily Al-Masry Al-Youm said the government had imposed duties of LE 40 per ton of quarried stone, leading some quarries to shut down and lay off their laborers. Protesters said they held the demonstration because petitions to officials had been ignored and some quarries had been shut for more than two weeks, the website said

Labor unrest has become common in Egypt, usually over pay, and often in privatized companies. Even professional groups such as doctors, pharmacists and lawyers have stopped work or threatened strikes over pay. Worker frustration with rising prices and shortages of subsidized bread flared into two days of clashes with security forces in the city of Mahalla El-Kobra north of Cairo in April last year. Three people were killed and scores injured.

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A Post Racial South Africa??

White Supremacy in South Africa

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Martin Legassick on the Macassar Village Land Occupation in Cape Town

Submitted by red bird on May 27 2009

May 26, 2009

Martin Legassick

On Tuesday last week, backyarders in Macassar, desperate for homes, built shacks on municipal land on a field adjoining the N2 – and were illegally evicted by Cape Town’s Anti-Land Invasion unit, together with the SAPS and Metro Police.

Their building materials were confiscated and taken off in a truck. In the process, four people, including a two-year old child, were wounded by police rubber bullets, four people – including myself – were taken into custody and three of these charged with public violence.

On Wednesday evening a solution to the situation appeared to have been reached. The Macassar SAPS superintendent, Princess Benjamin, brokered negotiations between representatives of the occupiers and the local Independent Democrats (ID) councillor, John Heuvel.

At 8pm the representatives returned to open land next to the field, to which the homeless occupiers had removed their furniture, where they had slept the previous night, and where they were now sitting around fires.

The representatives announced that the councillor had agreed that the people could occupy a piece of land nearby and that they should build shacks there immediately. The councillor promised that the mayor, Dan Plato, would come at 9am to endorse this. The people rushed to begin, and as they did so, some 10 police cars guarding the field that had been occupied left it.

However, on Thursday morning Plato did not turn up. Instead, Metro Police appeared and supervised the renewed destruction of the structures and more building materials were confiscated. What caused this disgraceful abandonment of an agreement between the people and the ward councillor?

Macassar, a formerly “coloured” area, is now bursting at the seams with overcrowded houses, occupied by both coloured and African families, as well as a few white families. Both coloureds and Africans participated in the occupation.

Macassar is one part of Cape Town’s housing crisis, where there is a backlog of some 400 000 homes, increasing by some 20 000 a year, but with a maximum of 8 000 houses a year being built. Backyarders in Macassar pay exorbitant rents to the house owners of R300 to R500 a month, and that is why they want decent homes of their own.

Before the elections, backyarders in Macassar had approached then mayor Helen Zille several times with letters and SMSes. She eventually said she would get Plato to visit them to hear their grievances. He never came.

After the elections people decided they would have to go it on their own. They identified a piece of vacant land and spent three days cleaning it in preparation for a picnic and sports event on Saturday, May 16, but this was wiped out by the first of the Cape’s winter storms.

So on the night of Monday, May 18 they gathered at 6pm to build, and succeeded through the night in erecting a number of complete shacks; many brought their furniture to put on their intended shack sites.

In spite of the Prevention of Illegal Eviction from, and Unlawful Occupation of, Land Act of 1998, which states that a court order is necessary before people are evicted from any built structures, the shacks were torn down again and this time the materials were confiscated.

The initial response of the community was to try to occupy the adjacent N2, which the police prevented.

People returned to the road next to the field they had occupied and marched up and down, singing and toyi-toying. The police became very restless and tried to block the marches by parking police cars three abreast in the road, but people just marched through without touching the cars.

I was there taking pictures of all this. Someone in plain clothes who later turned out to be a Crime Intelligence Unit photographer started trying to take pictures of me, perhaps because I was the only white person there. I tried to dodge him but he persisted.

An SAPS inspector in plain clothes came and stood right next to me, trying to intimidate me. When I swore back at him he became incensed and grabbed me, soon supported by other police officers.

People were disturbed and started to complain and move in my direction. Very fast, a ring of police was around me, with their shotguns pointing outward. I was told to move quietly towards a police van and as I reached it, the police opened fire. In the hail of rubber bullets four people – including a two-year-old child – were wounded.

Soon three other people were escorted to the police van. None of them was in the slightest way involved.

One had been riding past on a bicycle and dropped to the ground when he heard the fire.

Another fell over as the shots were fired, and happened to touch a policeman.

The third had been pepper-gassed and had handcuffs on, but said he had done nothing.

The following morning they appeared in the Somerset West court and were released with no bail, but charged with “public violence”.

All this, apparently precipitated by the inspector grabbing me unnecessarily, was quite needless.

Now the responsibility for denying these homeless people land on which to build shacks rests with the DA-controlled council.

Plato has recently claimed he intends to increase house-building in Cape Town from 8 000 to between 20 000 and 25 000 a year. This would, he claimed, allow the backlog to be ended in less than 20 years.

How he expects to do this in these times of recession is anybody’s guess. But even if he could manage it, given that the backlog increases by 18 000 to 20 000 a year, on his figures for house-building it would take something like 100 years to end it.

If house-building cannot solve the ever-increasing backlog the pressures will become too great.

If the DA’s “no tolerance of land occupations” is rigidly enforced – as it is trying to do – it will increase the overcrowding of houses – and, most likely, the abuse of women and children, drug abuse and crime – all of which the DA claims to be against.

If housing cannot be provided immediately for all, people must be allowed to find land on which to build shacks, whether that land is municipal, state, provincial or private.

The officials of the Anti-Land Invasion Unit behaved very arrogantly and inflexibly.

Repression is not the answer to the housing crisis, and the unit should be immediately disbanded.

Zille has criticised the ANC’s N2 Gateway housing project for favouring an elite. Instead she promotes the old apartheid site-and-service schemes, yet she wants to repress people building housing for themselves. This is despite the DA ideology of entrepreneurship and the free market.

The ID ward councillor, Heuvel, says he opposes land occupations because people who carry them out “gain the impression they should get the first option for housing”. Of course this is nonsense. People in shacks want houses, but they are prepared to accept waiting lists – provided those waiting lists are fair and transparent.

In fact many involved in the Macassar occupation have been waiting 20 or 30 years for houses. But to ensure fairness and transparency, it is incumbent on the Cape Town council to publish its waiting list, with clear indication of the dates on which people first applied for housing.

In Macassar, as elsewhere in the Western Cape, big mistrust in political parties is developing, despite the recent elections. People believe politicians only want their votes to enjoy the privileges of office, and that they are universally corrupt.

The housing crisis in the Western Cape and nationally continues. It is, in fact, an emergency situation. But no political party has answers to it. None of them is prepared to put the 4 million to 8 million unemployed to work to build mass housing under the aegis of the state. So the rich continue to get housed and the poor suffer overcrowding, as well as police violence and deprivation of property when they try to assert their rights.

Legassick is Emeritus Professor at the University of the Western Cape and a housing activist.

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